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Authority and the Liberal Tradition by Robert Heineman Pdf
Authority and the Liberal Tradition critically describes the historical foundations of modem liberalism, implicitly analyzing the status and effectiveness of American democracy. Heineman examines contemporary liberal ideology, which he argues undermines the normative basis of social stability that was an Important element in the classical liberal tradition. Heineman shows how American government has become hostage to ideology, to the advocacy of interest-group politics. Placing major Anglo-American thinkers from Hobbes to Rorty in their social contexts, Heineman traces the liberal intellectual perspective as it has evolved from the integration of culture and philosophy. He illustrates how the disjunction of theory and culture now weakens liberal thought as a foundation for effective government. Instead, he proposes returning to a philosophical position that consciously relies on community traditions and values, which can support democratic ideology. Authority and the Liberal Tradition is especially timely at this juncture In American history, as fragmentation of the national policy process threatens government's ability to cope with major problems. This second edition includes two chapters of entirely new material: “Liberal Ideology in a Conservative Nation” and "The Dialogue of Modem Liberalism.” It will be of interest to political scientists, social theorists, and philosophers.
Authority and the Liberal Tradition by Robert Heineman,Taylor & Francis Group Pdf
Authority and the Liberal Tradition critically describes the historical foundations of modern liberalism, implicitly analyzing the status and effectiveness of American democracy. Heineman examines contemporary liberal ideology, which he argues undermines the normative basis of social stability that was an important element in the classical liberal tradition. He shows how American government has become hostage to ideology, to the advocacy of interest-group politics.
"The papers in this volume were presented at a conference on 'The Liberal Tradition' in Sydney in August 1987"--P. x. Includes bibliographies and index.
The Liberal Tradition in American Thought by Walter E. Volkomer Pdf
The development of American Liberalism from Colonial times to the present-in the writings of Paine, Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, Bellamy, Holmes, Croly, Brandeis, Dewey, Galbraith, Warren and others.
David M. Hart,Gary Chartier,Ross Miller Kenyon,Roderick T. Long
Author : David M. Hart,Gary Chartier,Ross Miller Kenyon,Roderick T. Long Publisher : Springer Page : 345 pages File Size : 45,8 Mb Release : 2017-11-29 Category : Social Science ISBN : 9783319648941
Social Class and State Power by David M. Hart,Gary Chartier,Ross Miller Kenyon,Roderick T. Long Pdf
This book explores the idea of social class in the liberal tradition. It collects classical and contemporary texts illustrating and examining the liberal origins of class analysis—often associated with Marxism but actually rooted in the work of liberal theorists. Liberal class analysis emphasizes the constitutive connection between state power and class position. Social Class and State Power documents the rich tradition of liberal class theory, its rediscovery in the twentieth century, and the possibilities it opens up for research in the new millenium.
Excerpt from The Liberal Tradition: A Study of the Social and Spiritual Conditions of Freedom N ow once again the familiar cycle of depression, militarism, war has further raised the temperature and shortened the perspec tive. In time of stress we naturally counteract our suffering with the thought Of better days to come; and as the strain increases we advance the date. We draw spiritual as well as financial drafts upon the future, never doubting that they will be honored at maturity. In proportion as the means we must now employ are costly and terrible, so the more clear and close must be the vision Of our ends. Thus readily we credit the assurances Of politicians that the immediate sequel to a tornado Of destruction will be a more abundant life for everybody, and mortgage our incomes, our property, and the blood of our children to a dream: lucky indeed we Shall be if that dream does not again become a nightmare. For purposes of war it is enough that we will the supreme end, vic tory, leaving the means - the strategy and tactics - to our gen erals; but for purposes Of peace free people must master means as well as ends. For the means will Shape the ends - as the history of modern Germany reminds us. In the battle of the faiths that is now actively involved, as it Was three centuries ago, in the battle Of the nations, those whose position is weak or ill defined will stand no chance at all. The faith Of the liberal is the hardest to define because it is the boldest and the biggest. Rationalist utopias can exhibit (on paper) all the scientific neatness Of the prison, the hospital, or the factory: lib eralism does not propose to model the life of society on the prison or the hospital, and even looks askance at too many factories. Coi lectivists are fond Of the argument We did it in war, why can't we do it in peace? Liberals do not propose to model the life Of society on the army or the Wehrwirtschaft. In all the hard bright schemes that have crystallized out Of modern materialism the ordi nary human being is put in his place with a platonic knee, or some thing more urgent, at his back; the reason being that there is so much more to human nature than what the doctrinaires have any use for. But out Of that more come both the folly and the wisdom, the passion and the insight, the virtue and the fun Of human life; and the liberal will never sacrifice the full range Of personal living to the symmetry of a mere political or economic system. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
Author : Carl Joachim Friedrich Publisher : London : Macmillan Page : 152 pages File Size : 42,7 Mb Release : 1972 Category : History ISBN : UOM:39015005292498
Hegel on Freedom and Authority by Renato Cristi Pdf
While Hegel s political philosophy has been attacked on the left by republican democrats and on the right by feudalist reactionaries, his apologists see him as a liberal reformer, a moderate who theorized about the development of a free-market society within the bounds of a stabilizing constitutional state. This centrist view has gained ascendancy since the end of the Second World War, enshrining Hegel within the liberal tradition. In this book, Renato Cristi argues that, like the Prussian liberal reformers of his time, Hegel was committed to expand the scope of a free economy and concurrently to ensure that the social practice of subjective freedom did not endanger political stability and order. Aware that a system of mutual advantage failed to integrate the members of civil society and that profound social disharmonies were ineradicable, Hegel adopted the views of the French liberal "doctrinaires," who sought to realize the principles of the French Revolution by supporting Louis XVIII s sovereign assertion of the monarchical principle. Not surprisingly, Hegel hailed the French "Charte" of June 1814 as a beacon of freedom. Endorsement of the monarchical principle was meant to prevent the atomized individuals of civil society from gaining control of the state through appeals to popular sovereignty. This challenges most conventional interpretations of Hegel s theory of the state and draws it closer to the conservative-authoritarian end of the political spectrum than is usual."
The Place of Religion in the Liberal Philosophy of Constant, Tocqueville, and Lord Acton by Ralph Raico Pdf
The Place of Religion in the Liberal Philosophy of Constant, Tocqueville, and Lord Acton Forty years ago, historian Ralph Raico completed his dissertation under the direction of F.A. Hayek at the University of Chicago. Its title masks its power and importance: The Place of Religion in the Liberal Philosophy of Constant, Tocqueville, and Lord Acton. It has been published for the first time by the Mises Institute, and this is not merely to honor a great historian and thinker. The research contained within it amounts to a major contribution to public intellectual life of the United States at the time. The issue he addresses—the revelation of a different form of early liberalism, one heavily influenced by moral concerns and steeped in an older religious ethos—has major implications in our own time as well. Despite the high tone of this work, it directly address controversies that were boiling over in the 1960s. The Cold War was raging. Conservatism, to whom the defense of free enterprise had fallen after the Second World War, had already been redefined (or even defined) by the work of National Review to mean the backing of the U.S. military state in its life-or-death struggle with communism abroad. As Murray Rothbard explained in Betrayal of the American Right, the conservatives claimed to favor freedom but what really rallied the troops was the issue of war against Russia and its satellite states. This was the battleground that Raico faced in the late 1960s. The argument between conservatives and libertarians was fundamentally about the Cold War, but that was not the only subject discussed. Instead, the conservatives came to characterize the libertarians as not only strategically flawed but philosophically corrupt. And why? Because they had inherited the secularism, the anti-clericism, the essential immoralism and anti-nomianism, of the old liberal school of the Enlightenment (a word to be spoken with sneerful disdain). Conservatives attempted to paint the libertarians with the brush of the hippy, dropout generation—a sector of the new left that spoke vaguely of freedom while rejecting all manner of social authority. Did the critique apply? Were the liberals of the 18th and 19th century truly foreshadowing the hippies of the 1960s, and thereby in need of the correcting force of conservatism to add piety and an appreciation of tradition to their love of freedom? The grain of truth here is that the liberal party of old had risen up in the age of enlightenment when freedom was not only something that existed in absence of the overweening state; it was also something that required throwing off the shackles of tradition, of Church control, of the moral limits imposed by superstitions of the past. To some extent, this tendency in old liberalism found its justification in the too-close relationship between Church and State in Europe’s old regimes; the liberals believed that both had to be battled in the name of the rights of individuals. But in other cases, there were genuine mistakes, as with John Stuart Mill, who variously imagined social authority to be as much a threat to freedom as the state itself. But this attitude in no way characterized the whole of the old liberal tradition. There was another tradition of liberalism that was not necessarily anti-religion and anti-tradition but rather focused its critique of coercion against the state alone. After all, it is only the state, not religious institutions, that possess that critical power to aggress against the life and liberty of the individual. To the extent the Church can tax, it is only through the power and authority of the law over which the state possesses the monopoly. What's more, this other sector of liberalism did not see freedom alone as the sole point of existence, but rather saw freedom as a means to an end of achieving higher moral purpose. What resources were available that highlighted this alternative liberal tradition? There weren't many at the time. It was during this period when Ralph Raico went to work on his dissertation. He hit target with an extended discussion of three massively important figures in the history of liberalism for whom a religious orientation, and an overarching moral framework, was central for their thought: French Protestant Benjamin Constant (1767–1830), French Catholic Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–1859), and Lord Acton (1834–1902). All three were distinguished for: (1) consistent anti-statism, (2) appreciation for modernity and commerce, (3) love of liberty and its identification with human rights, (4) an conviction in favor of social institutions such as churches and cultural norms, and (5) a belief that liberty is not a moral end in itself but rather a means toward a higher end. What’s more, these thinkers are people whom conservatives have tended to revere if only in passing, but have they really studied their thought to see their radicalism, their deep love of freedom, and their true attachment to the old liberal cause? Raico provides a detailed reading of their work in all these respects and shows that one need not embrace statism, and that one can be a consistent and full-blown liberal in the classical tradition, and not come anywhere near fulfilling the stereotype that conservatives were then creating of libertarians. Ours is a varied tradition of secularists, yes, but also of deeply pious thinkers, too. What drew them all together was a conviction that liberty is the mother and not the daughter of order. Forty years later, it is striking how poignant Raico’s treatise remains. And it is fact: conservatives who were blasting away at libertarians at the time never saw this book. It is just now published. It’s this way with great books, classic studies of this depth: it remains as powerful and relevant now as ever.
