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Extreme Religious Behaviours by Johannes Bronkhorst Pdf
Certain religious behaviours clearly reduce biological fitness. These behaviours include celibacy along with various forms of asceticism, and rituals that harm the performer. Such behaviours are found in widely different cultures. How is this possible? This book shows that these behaviours (as is religion in general) are by-products of features of the human mind whose evolutionary fitness is beyond doubt and explores those features. Which are those features? This book proposes a twofold answer. It draws attention to the layered nature of human consciousness, in which different manners of experience are superimposed on each other. This goes a long way toward accounting for the universal religious belief in some kind of transcendental world, a "higher" reality, different from "ordinary" reality. The layering of consciousness comes about in childhood and gains in prominence with the acquisition of a first language, which is the second feature highlighted in this book. Together, these features explain a variety of "normal" religious behaviours and beliefs, and account for the possibility of mystical experience. They also explain the occurrence of behaviours that do not augment evolutionary fitness.
How we feel is as vital to our survival as how we think. This claim, based on the premise that emotions are largely adaptive, serves as the organizing theme of Why We Need Religion. This book is a novel pathway in a well-trodden field of religious studies and philosophy of religion. Stephen Asma argues that, like art, religion has direct access to our emotional lives in ways that science does not. Yes, science can give us emotional feelings of wonder and the sublime--we can feel the sacred depths of nature--but there are many forms of human suffering and vulnerability that are beyond the reach of help from science. Different emotional stresses require different kinds of rescue. Unlike secular authors who praise religion's ethical and civilizing function, Asma argues that its core value lies in its emotionally therapeutic power. No theorist of religion has failed to notice the importance of emotions in spiritual and ritual life, but truly systematic research has only recently delivered concrete data on the neurology, psychology, and anthropology of the emotional systems. This very recent "affective turn" has begun to map out a powerful territory of embodied cognition. Why We Need Religion incorporates new data from these affective sciences into the philosophy of religion. It goes on to describe the way in which religion manages those systems--rage, play, lust, care, grief, and so on. Finally, it argues that religion is still the best cultural apparatus for doing this adaptive work. In short, the book is a Darwinian defense of religious emotions and the cultural systems that manage them.
The Cult Files opens a fascinating window onto some of these extraordinary cults and alternative new religions. In balanced, factual accounts of events and personalities that often seem to defy reality, Mikul examines the cult's history, rituals and charismatic leaders, and the extremes to which their devoted followers will go in fulfilling their beliefs -regardless of the cost to themselves or to others. From the peaceable, industrious Oneida community, and the neighbourly Chen Tao calmly awaiting God's arrival in a flying saucer, to the madness and murder surrounding the Manson Family and Roch Th riault's Ant Hill Kids, these compelling stories are full of larger-than-life characters and elaborate mythologies, where incredible depravity co-exists with the highest of human aspirations.
Perceptions of and behaviour toward religious people and atheists in Sweden and the USA by Nathalie Hallin Pdf
Religiosity has been present in societies throughout history and several theories hold that religion serves to foster trust and a sense of community within the religious ingroup. In many societies today, it is not uncommon to lack religious beliefs and religion is no longer a natural part of everyday life. The studies included in this thesis investigated how religious groups perceive each other or how generous they are to each other, both in the more secular Sweden and in the more religious USA. Paper 1 examined Swedes’ perceptions of atheists and religious people. Specifically, how often they associated atheists or religious people with extreme immoral behaviour by making a conjunction error. Previous studies using the same methodological paradigm have found that more people associate atheists, rather than religious people, with immoral behaviour. We found no significant association between target (atheist or religious person) and conjunction errors, indicating that Swedes do not associate immoral behaviour with atheists to a greater degree than they associate immoral behaviour with religious people. We compared the results to those presented in a previous study and found that the Swedish participants in our study made significantly fewer conjunction errors when the target was an atheist than a sample from the USA. They also made significantly more conjunction errors when the target was a religious person than a Finnish sample and the American sample. The results suggests that anti-atheist bias is lower in Sweden compared to the USA, but anti-religious bias is higher than in both Finland and the USA. However, it is also possible that the type of sample used affected the results – we recruited participants from social media while the other two samples were solely or mainly student samples. The study shows that the clear anti-atheist bias found in similar studies is not universal. Paper 2 investigated Christians’ and atheists’ perceptions of Christian, Muslim, and atheist job applicants in four studies, two with Swedish samples (studies 1 and 3) and two with samples from the USA (studies 2 and 4). Participants rated the perceived competence and likeability of a target applicant (Christian, Muslim, or atheist) and a control applicant (with no information about religious affiliation). In the last two studies, participants also specified if they would have hired the target or control applicant. Participants generally rated the control applicant as being more competent (USA) and more likeable (Sweden and USA) than the target applicant. Both Christian and atheist participants rated targets with the same religious affiliation higher in likeability than targets from one or both religious outgroups in two of the studies. The only significant difference in competence ratings between the targets were in study 3, where Christians rated Muslims as less competent than Christians. However, Christians’ likeability ratings in study 3 did not differ between targets. More atheists in study 3 hired the control applicant than the Christian applicant, but no other group differed in which applicant they hired. In conclusion, when people perceived one religious group to be more likeable, it was their ingroup. However, these results do not translate to perceptions of competence and seldom to hiring decisions. Paper 3 investigated generosity toward religious ingroup and outgroup members in three studies conducted in Sweden (study 1), the USA (study 2), and Egypt and Lebanon (study 3), using an adapted Dictator Game. Participants allocated a sum of money between themselves and three potential recipients. In the most relevant round, these were a Christian, a Muslim, and an atheist. We found that in studies 1 and 2, there was no significant difference in overall generosity between religious people, agnostics, and atheists in the rounds where they did not know the religious affiliation of the recipients. In the round where they knew the affiliation of recipients, religious people gave significantly more than atheists (studies 1 and 2) and agnostics (study 2). Study 3 had too few agnostics and atheists to compare their generosity to that of religious people. Christians, Muslims, and atheists in all three studies gave significantly more money to their respective religious ingroups than to the outgroup that was given the largest amount. This ingroup generosity was found in the other rounds as well. However, the ingroup minus outgroup amount was larger in the religion round compared to most other rounds. The exceptions were the ideology round in study 1 and 2, which did not differ significantly from the religion round. In study 2, the difference between ingroup and outgroup generosity was larger for Muslim participants than for Christians and atheists. In conclusion, religious people seem to be more generous only when they know the religious affiliation of recipients, but atheists, Muslims, and Christians are all more generous toward religious ingroup members than toward outgroup members. The papers together show that religious affiliation is an important group category that affects perceived likeability and generosity in several contexts. Religiositet har funnits i samhällen genom hela historien och flera teorier hävdar att religion bidrar till att främja förtroende och en känsla av gemenskap inom den religiösa ingruppen. I många samhällen idag är det vanligt att sakna religiösa övertygelser och religion är inte längre en naturlig del av vardagslivet. Studierna som ingår i denna avhandling undersökte hur religiösa grupper uppfattar varandra eller hur generösa de är mot varandra, både i det mer sekulära Sverige och i det mer religiösa USA. Papper 1 undersökte svenskars uppfattningar om ateister och religiösa människor. Specifikt hur ofta de associerade ateister eller religiösa människor med extremt omoraliskt beteende genom att göra ett konjunktionsfel. Tidigare studier som använt samma metodologiska paradigm har funnit att fler människor associerar ateister, snarare än religiösa människor, med omoraliskt beteende. Vi fann ingen signifikant koppling mellan target (ateist eller religiös person) och konjunktionsfel, vilket indikerar att svenskar inte associerar omoraliskt beteende med ateister i högre grad än de associerar omoraliskt beteende med religiösa människor. Vi jämförde resultaten med de som presenterades i en tidigare studie och fann att de svenska deltagarna i vår studie gjorde signifikant färre konjunktionsfel när target var en ateist jämfört med ett amerikanskt urval. De gjorde också signifikant fler konjunktionsfel när target var en religiös person än ett finskt urval och det amerikanska urvalet. Resultaten tyder på att anti-ateistisk bias är lägre i Sverige jämfört med USA, men anti-religiös bias är högre än i både Finland och USA. Det är dock också möjligt att urvalet påverkade resultaten – vi rekryterade deltagare från sociala medier medan de andra två urvalen enbart eller främst var studenturval. Studien visar att den tydliga anti-ateistiska biasen som hittats i liknande studier inte är universell. Papper 2 undersökte kristnas och ateisters uppfattningar om kristna, muslimska och ateistiska jobbkandidater i fyra studier, två med svenska urval (studier 1 och 3) och två med urval från USA (studier 2 och 4). Deltagarna bedömde hur kompetenta och likeable de uppfattade en target-kandidat (kristen, muslim eller ateist) och en kontroll-kandidat (utan information om religiös tillhörighet). I de två sista studierna specificerade deltagarna även om de skulle ha anställt target- eller kontroll-kandidaten. Deltagarna bedömde generellt kontroll-kandidaten som mer kompetent (USA) och mer likeable (Sverige och USA) än target-kandidaten. Både kristna och ateistiska deltagare bedömde targets med samma religiösa tillhörighet högre i likeability än target från en av eller båda religiösa utgrupper i två av studierna. Den enda signifikanta skillnaden i kompetensbedömningar mellan targets var i studie 3, där kristna bedömde muslimer som mindre kompetenta än kristna. Kristnas likeabilitybedömningar skilde sig dock inte mellan targets i studie 3. Fler ateister i studie 3 anställde kontrollkandidaten än den kristna kandidaten, men ingen annan grupp skilde sig åt i vilken kandidat de anställde. Sammanfattningsvis, när människor uppfattade en religiös grupp som mer likeable, var det deras ingrupp. Dessa resultat leder dock inte till motsvarande skillnader i bedömningar av kompetens eller i anställningsbeslut. Papper 3 undersökte generositet mot religiösa ingrupps- och utgruppsmedlemmar i tre studier utförda i Sverige (studie 1), USA (studie 2) samt Egypten och Libanon (studie 3), med ett anpassat diktatorspel. Deltagarna fördelade en summa pengar mellan sig själva och tre potentiella mottagare. I den mest relevanta omgången var dessa en kristen, en muslim och en ateist. Vi fann att i studie 1 och 2 fanns det ingen signifikant skillnad i övergripande generositet mellan religiösa människor, agnostiker och ateister i de omgångar där de inte visste mottagarnas religiösa tillhörighet. I omgången där de kände till tillhörigheten gav religiösa personer signifikant mer än ateister (studie 1 och 2) och agnostiker (studie 2). Studie 3 hade för få agnostiker och ateister för att kunna jämföra deras generositet med den hos religiösa personer. Kristna, muslimer och ateister i alla tre studierna gav signifikant mer pengar till sina respektive religiösa ingrupper än till utgruppen som fick det största beloppet. Denna ingruppsgenerositet fanns också i de andra omgångarna. Skillnaden mellan ingrupps-och utgruppsgenerositet var dock större i religionomgången jämfört med de flesta andra omgångar. Undantagen var ideologiomgången i studie 1 och 2, som inte skilde sig signifikant från religionomgången. I studie 2 var skillnaden mellan ingrupps och utgruppsgenerositet större för muslimska deltagare än för kristna och ateister. Sammanfattningsvis verkar religiösa människor vara mer generösa endast när de vet mottagarnas religiösa tillhörighet, men ateister, muslimer och kristna är alla mer generösa mot medlemmar av den religiösa ingruppen än mot utgruppsmedlemmar. Papperna tillsammans visar att religiös tillhörighet är en viktig gruppkategori som påverkar uppfattad likeability och generositet i flera sammanhang.
Religion's Relationship to Happiness, Civic Engagement and Health Around the World by Dalia Fahmy,Conrad Hackett,Joey Marshall,Stephanie Kramer,Philip Schwadel,Anne Shi Pdf
Chris Mikul examines 30 cults, from thuggee to the Raelian Movement, from the Ant Hill Kids to Heaven's Gate, and provides a window into the extraordinary variety of religious beliefs, and the lengths that people may go to to cling to them, whatever the cost to themselves and others.
The Cult Files opens a fascinating window onto some of these extraordinary cults and alternative new religions. In balanced, factual accounts of events and personalities that often seem to defy reality, Mikul examines the cult's history, rituals and charismatic leaders, and the extremes to which their devoted followers will go in fulfilling their beliefs -regardless of the cost to themselves or to others. From the peaceable, industrious Oneida community, and the neighbourly Chen Tao calmly awaiting God's arrival in a flying saucer, to the madness and murder surrounding the Manson Family and Roch Th riault's Ant Hill Kids, these compelling stories are full of larger-than-life characters and elaborate mythologies, where incredible depravity co-exists with the highest of human aspirations.
Contemplative Practices in Action by Thomas G. Plante Ph.D. Pdf
This groundbreaking primer illuminates contemplative methods that can improve mental and physical health. Contemplative practices, from meditation to Zen, are growing in popularity as methods to inspire physical and mental health. Contemplative Practices in Action: Spirituality, Meditation, and Health offers readers an introduction to these practices and the ways they can be used in the service of well being, wisdom, healing, and stress reduction. Bringing together various traditions from the East and West, this thought-provoking work summarizes the history of each practice, highlights classic and emerging research proving its power, and details how each practice is performed. Expert authors offer step-by-step approaches to practice methods including the 8-Point Program of Passage Meditation, Centering Prayer, mindful stress management, mantram meditation, energizing meditation, yoga, and Zen. Beneficial practices from Christian, Buddhist, Jewish, Hindu, and Islamic religions are also featured. Vignettes illustrate each of the practices, while the contributors explain how and why they are effective in facing challenges as varied as the loss of a partner or child, job loss, chronic pain or disease, or psychological disorders.
Religious Fundamentalism and Political Extremism by Leonard Weinberg,Ami Pedahzur Pdf
This book explores the relationships between fundamentalist religious belief, political extremism and outbreaks of religiously inspired violence. Is the post-Cold War world increasingly violent and is this violence the result of strident religious understandings of how societies should be organized?
Learning From Violent Extremist Attacks: Behavioural Sciences Insights For Practitioners And Policymakers by Majeed Khader,Loo Seng Neo,Jethro Chun Kiat Tan,Damien Dominic Eng Hoe Cheong,Jeffery Ee Heng Chin Pdf
How can we use psychology and the behavioural sciences to aid law enforcement to better identify violent extremists? What can we learn from past attacks to ensure that our society is more prepared? How can societies deal with tension after these attacks?Violent extremists are evolving, constantly honing their strategies to out-manuever the 'good guys'. Faced with the quandary, challenges, and responsibilities of ensuring the safety of the society, practitioners and policymakers have to take decisive steps to respond and mitigate the impact of an attack. However, the daunting task of countering violent extremism is still plagued by the lack of basic understanding of the phenomenon.This book, Learning from Violent Extremist Attacks: Behavioural Sciences Insights for Practitioners and Policymakers, attempts to fill a gap in the extant literature by offering a behavioural sciences approach to integrate our understanding of the threat of violent extremism, with knowledge drawn from diverse fields, such as psychology, sociology, history, political science, technology, and communications to identify the lessons learned and provide scientifically defensible interventions and approaches for both the practitioners and policymakers.
Focusing on the three monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam, Douglas Pratt argues that despite a popular focus on Islam, extremist Jews and Christians can also enact terror and destruction. Religion and Extremism stresses that the ideological rejection of diversity underlies religious extremism resulting in violent behaviours and, increasingly, in hardening social and religious attitudes and responses. An analysis of religiously-driven terrorism reveals the presence of a distinctive and rigid form of exclusivity found in these religions. In this regard, the contemporary resurgence in totalising claims of fundamentalist ideologues is cause for particular concern. Pratt reasons that however expressed, the motif of the 'Absolute' is central to all, but how that absolute is and has been received, interpreted and responded to, is a matter of great diversity. The author asserts that theological 'Absolutism' displays an underlying dynamic whereby these three religions may be led into extremism. Religion and Extremism also explores contemporary issues of Islamophobia and mutual extremism, identified as 'reactive co-radicalization', and concludes by reflecting on how extremism today might be countered.
The Varieties of Religious Experience (Annotated) by William James Pdf
Differentiated book- It has a historical context with research of the timeStanding at the crossroads of psychology and religion, this catalyzing work applied the scientific method to a field abounding in abstract theory. William James believed that individual religious experiences, rather than the precepts of organized religions, were the backbone of the world's religious life. His discussions of conversion, repentance, mysticism and saintliness, and his observations on actual, personal religious experiences - all support this thesis. In his introduction, Martin E. Marty discusses how James's pluralistic view of religion led to his remarkable tolerance of extreme forms of religious behaviour, his challenging, highly original theories, and his welcome lack of pretension in all of his observations on the individual and the divine.
