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Karla Marx [and the Man-haters] by Marshall Rockford Goodman Pdf
With eye-opening revelations, ""Karla Marx and the Man-haters"" explores the past and present politics of the women's movement in seven chapters: Politics, Family, Media, Government, Education, Finance and Religion. More than 400 endnotes and citations are provided. Karl Marx compiled ""Manifesto of the Communist Party"" in 1848. Now we have Karla Marx, who personifies today's radical feminist activist with her egregious messages of liberation and equality that covertly limit our rights and subtly usurp our freedom through authoritarian control. "Karla Marx" was first published in 2008. Now this latest edition incorporates updates, revisions and original material in two new chapters and more than 75 new pages. (An electronic version is also available most through most online retailers.)
Karla Marx and her phalanx of comrades hide behind a message of liberation and equality; however, radical feminism supports Marxist goals that curtail our liberties, rights and freedom - subtly, covertly and egregiously.Because Karla Marx wants us to repeat the disastrous history of Marxism, she hides that horrific past from us so that we cannot learn from it. With eye-opening revelations, this book explores that past and the present-day politics that undermine the family, control media and academia and subvert the highest levels of our government.Unless her true intentions and associations are revealed, Karla Marx will gain ever higher and irrational levels of authoritarian power that will ultimately oppress and impoverish the population for generations and centuries to come. She's counting on our ignorance and apathy. "Karla Marx: How feminism has seduced the West" seeks to counter that strategy.
Karl Marx: Man and Fighter (RLE Marxism) by Boris Nicolaievsky,Otto Maenchen-Helfen Pdf
Strife has raged about Karl Marx for decades, and never had it been so embittered as at the time of this book’s first publication, 1936. Marx had impressed his image on the time as not other had done. To some he was – and still is – a fiend, the arch-enemy of human civilisation, and the prince of chaos, while to others he is a far-seeing and beloved leader, guiding the human race towards a brighter future. The arena in which Marx was fought about in 1936 was in the factories, in the parliaments and at the barricades. In both camps, the bourgeois and the socialist, Marx was first of all, if not exclusively, the revolutionary. This book sets out to describe the life of Marx the fighter.
While atheists such as Richard Dawkins have now become public figures, there is another and perhaps darker strain of religious rebellion that has remained out of sight--people who hate God. In this revealing book, Bernard Schweizer looks at men and women who do not question God's existence, but deny that He is merciful, competent, or good. Sifting through a wide range of literary and historical works, Schweizer finds that people hate God for a variety of reasons. Some are motivated by social injustice, human suffering, or natural catastrophes that God does not prevent. Some blame God for their personal tragedies. Schweizer concludes that, despite their blasphemous thoughts, these people tend to be creative and moral individuals, and include such literary lights as Friedrich Nietzsche, Mark Twain, Zora Neale Hurston, Rebecca West, Elie Wiesel, and Philip Pullman. Schweizer shows that literature is a fertile ground for God haters. Many authors, who dare not voice their negative attitude to God openly, turn to fiction to give vent to it. Indeed, Schweizer provides many new and startling readings of literary masterpieces, highlighting the undercurrent of hatred for God. Moreover, by probing the deeper mainsprings that cause sensible, rational, and moral beings to turn against God, Schweizer offers answers to some of the most vexing questions that beset human relationships with the divine.
This small book is intended, as were the lectures in which it first took form, to be an introduction to the study of Marxs Capital. It is not meant to be a substitute for such study. It is the fate of all great books tp get bcdleA-down and served up cold in text-books, which purport to tell exactly what the great book comes to, as though a mans conclusions were worth very much apart from the way in which he arrived at them. We must all have had the experience, after reading even appreciative books about great authors, of going back to the authors themselves and finding how much more there is in them than their commentators lead us to expect. Marxs Capital is obviously a book of historical importance, and any one who reads it impartially will find it greater and far more illuminating than most critics of Marx would like us, or most Marxian writers allow us to believe. There are two ways in which it is indefensible to treat a great book, ways which seem nevertheless to characterize much of what is said of Marx in this country the way of uncritical condemnation and the way. of uncritical praise. There are some books on Marx in which are collected all his inconsistencies and nothing else, as though there was nothing in Marx but inconsistencies. Such books give the impression that Marx was one of the most muddle-headed, idiots that ever lived. On the other hand, some of his interpreters seem to have given up the belief in the verbal insgiratipn of scripture for the belief in the verbal inspiration of Capital and try to maintain that there are no inconsistencies in Marx at all. We might surely be prepared, without having read a word of Marx, to reject both these extreme views. Mere inconsistent thinking has never made history as Capital has made it. But no man who has brought about a great revolution in thought has ever been without inconsistencies. The original thinker is too much occupied in trying to express the creative thought which is welling up in him to trouble himself about getting it all straightened out. There are always parts of his work which he has taken over as they stood from other people...
COME INSIDE MY MOUTH - Karl Marx, Fidel Castro, Mao Zedong, Joseph Stalin & more! by DEAD WRITERS CLUB,Lin Xun,Ian Tinny,Rex Curry Pdf
Supermodel and Superwriter Lin Xun invites you to "Come Inside My Mouth." See the twisted red tongues of Karl Marx, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Adolf Hitler, Fidel Castro, and more. Their mouths killed millions. Their language of hate led Lin to other shocking discoveries including: (1) The US Congress and the Flag Code confirm that the military salute was the origin of the Nazi salute. (2) The USA's Pledge of Allegiance inspired Nazi rituals. (3) Public schools spread Nazi behavior. (4) swastikas were used by the USA's military and worn as a patch on the upper left arm of American soldiers in a fashion that would become uniform under German socialism. (5) Later, swastikas represented crossed "S" letter shapes for "socialist" under Hitler. They are eye-popping revelations that are undisputed by the New York Times • The Washington Post • Los Angeles Times • San Francisco Chronicle • Tampa Bay Times • Vogue • Chicago Tribune • Newsday • The New York Times Book Review • Tampa Tribune • Library Journal • Publishers Weekly • Saint Petersburg Times • History Journal • Scholar's Weekly • Because she speaks truth to power with her ground-breaking revelations, Lin Xun has been subjected to harassment (including risque images of her posted on the internet). She doesn't care! In this book, Lin spanks history's bottom, leaving red hand prints. Hop in Lin's pink Cadillac and take a ride to the land inside of your mind. Nazi salutes and Nazi behavior originated from the USA's Pledge of Allegiance to the flag, created by Francis Bellamy, an American socialist. The Nazi salute was performed by public officials in the USA from 1892 through 1942. What happened to old photographs and films of the American Nazi salute performed by federal, state, county, and local officials inside the USA? Those photos and films are rare because people don't want to know the truth about the government’s past. Public officials in the USA who preceded the German socialist (Hitler) and the Italian socialist (Mussolini) were sources for the stiff-armed salute (and robotic chanting) in those countries and other foreign countries. The "ancient Roman salute" myth originated from the city of Rome in the state of New York (not Italy), Francis Bellamy's hometown. Later, Mussolini presented a strange gift to the city of Rome, NY: a statue of two human male infants suckling on a female wolf. That statue remains on display in Rome, NY. Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts helped spread the Nazi salute and the swastika to Germany and elsewhere. Swastikas were used to represent crossed "S"-letters under Adolf Hitler's National Socialist German Workers Party. The author Lin Xun searches for old photos and film footage of the early Pledge of Allegiance showing the origin of the USA's notorious stiff-armed salute. Many of those artifacts have been found among Dr. Rex Curry's historical archival work. Curry's discoveries are changing the history books. Please send any images or inquiries to the email address of the publisher mentioned in the book. Each book is personally handled, wrapped, and mailed by Lin Xun IN THE NUDE! Or by the publisher, depending on who's available. To everyone who threw up on Hitler's election night, who sobbed on the bathroom floor at Stalin's power grab, who dry heaved trying to imagine how to tell the children what happened under Mao, who couldn’t stop physically shaking due to the Kim thugs, who felt the horror of what was to come under all socialism, I say this: WE KNEW. WE KNEW. WE KNEW. Stalin, Mao, and Hitler proved that the ability to speak does not make one intelligent. They murdered millions with their mouths. The verbal diarrhea continues to spew. Today, the greatest threat of extinction we face is not asteroids or climate change or disease or famine. It’s society’s refusal to heed the warnings of these pages. This empowering book takes aim at toxic culture and gives everyone a voice to transform his community. "Professor Curry vastly exceeds all other historians in wisdom, honesty, integrity, selflessness, and humility. Especially humility." - Ward Toolen “There is rumor of a Pulitzer Prize for exposing the Pledge of Allegiance as the origin of Nazi salutes and Nazi behavior; and the swastika as alphabetical ‘S’ letter shaped symbolism for ‘socialist.’ Congratulations!” - Aleta Yates, Stop The Pledge (STP) Foundation. "In this book, the author Lin Xun overshares lethal language." – Francis Hannah Cruz
As Karl Marx the icon has fallen along with so many communist regimes, we are left with the mystery of Karl Marx the man, the complexities of a life that has profoundly affected millions. A Requiem for Karl Marx is Frank Manuel's searching meditation on that life, a learned and elegantly written engagement with the man and his work. Manuel gives us a psychological portrait rendered with sympathy and critical detachment, a probing look at the connections between the private drama of Marx's life and his revolutionary ideas. Manuel pursues these connections from Marx's adolescence and education in Trier through his university studies, marriage to a German baroness, and early affiliation with French and German radical groups. Here we see Marx in moments of youthful rapture, in periods of despair, in maneuvers of blatant hypocrisy, in outbursts of self-mockery. We follow his involuted response to his status as a converted Jew, observe the psychic toll of debilitating bouts of illness, and witness the shattering effects of his aggressive, often brutal conduct toward friend and foe alike. Manuel analyzes in intricate detail the central role of Marx's enduring relationship with Friedrich Engels, which appears to transcend the bounds of friendship, and his changing behavior toward his wife, Jenny, the neurotic and tragic figure who shared his dismal London exile. What becomes clear in this narrative is the link between Marx's personal life and his ideas about class struggle, revolutionary strategy, and utopia--as well as the impact of his personal vision and political tactics on the movements that followed him, down to our day.
A central problem in political inquiry is the conceptual and linguistic informality of political science. For most of its history, the discipline has been largely pursued with the analytic and logical machinery of ordinary language. Likewise, there has been little effort to standardize how language is used, or to systematize theoretical procedures to insure methodological uniformity. In an effort to better understand and defend the research processes that attend, sustain, and foster the systematic credibility of political science, Gregor argues a special conceptual language is needed to enhance the rigor, replicability, articulation, and interpretation of political science's empirical findings. Gregor reviews the conceptual inventory of the social sciences in general with particular emphasis on distinctions between descriptive, theoretical, and normative language. He analyzes what might count as "objectivity" and "truth" in a given set of circumstances in an effort to standardize how political scientists make such distinctions. How "theory" and "explanation" might be assessed in less rigorous disciplines is also considered. Gregor is opposed to the postmodernist tendency to use "language games" in the social sciences that purport to close the gaps separating the discourses of knowledge, ethics and politics, but do so at the expense of clarity, rigor, and objectivity. In Gregor's view, these alternative perspectives have exploited vagueness and ambiguity in order to accomplish what they consider to be their political tasks. A substantial postscript to this edition traces some of the postmodernist perspectives to their origins in the works of particular individuals and to their history in the thought of twentieth-century Europe. Metascience and Politics attempts to address all these issues, with brevity and seriousness of purpose, in order to provide a defensible rationale for the scientific character of social and political studies. It will be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, philosophers, and intellectual historians. A. James Gregor is professor of political science at the University of California at Berkeley and an adjunct professor at Command and Staff College, U.S. Marine Corps University at Quantico, Virginia. He has also been awarded the Order of Merit by the President of the Italian Republic for his contribution to Italy as a nation through his published works. He is the author of Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher of Fascism, Interpretations of Fascism, Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time, and Marxism, China, and Development, all published by Transaction.
“On The Jewish Question” (OTJQ) was written by Karl Marx and exposes his anti-Semitism. The complete work is here in its entirety for your analysis. It was an inspiration to Adolf Hitler. OTJQ and other work (e.g. the term “Aryan” used by Marx repeatedly in his “Ethnological Notebooks”) were the same ideas that motivated Hitler to gain power in Germany. Top mind-blowing discoveries of the 21st Century were revealed by Marx and his OTJQ (thanks to the academic critique of Professor Rex Curry). Many revelations came to light years after Marx’s death. Some are enumerated in the following paragraphs. For example, the following facts (with credit to Dr. Curry) will be news to most readers: 1. Marx’s anti-Semitism (and his Christian background) inspired Hitler’s anti-Semitism and Hitler’s use of Christian cross symbolism including the SWASTIKA (the Hakenkreuz or “hooked cross”); Iron Cross; Balkenkreuz; Krückenkreuz; and the common Christian cross. The symbols signified commonality with Marx’s opposition to Judaism, and they promoted Christianity as the “alternative” thereto. The Swastika was also used to represent “S” letter shapes for “SOCIALISM” (Marx’s underlying dogma). 2. NEW SWASTIKA DISCOVERY: Hitler’s symbol is the reason why Hitler renamed his political party from DAP to NSDAP - "National Socialist German Workers Party" - because he needed the word "Socialist" in his party's name so that Hitler could use swastikas as "S"-letter shaped logos for "SOCIALIST" as the party's emblem. The party's name had to fit in Hitler's socialist branding campaign that used the swastika and many other similar alphabetical symbols, including the “NSV" and "SA” and “SS” and “VW” etc. 3. NEW LENIN’S SWASTIKA REVELATION: Vladimir Lenin’s swastika is exposed herein. The impact of Lenin’s swastikas was reinforced at that time with additional swastikas on ruble money (paper currency) under Soviet socialism. The swastika became a symbol of socialism under Lenin. It’s influence upon Adolf Hitler is explained in this book. Lenin’s Christian background was similar to Marx’s. Marx’s anti-Semitism (and his religious upbringing) inspired Lenin’s anti-Semitism and the use of the SWASTIKA as Christian cross symbolism after 1917. The swastika symbol signified commonality with Marx’s opposition to Judaism. Judaism was banned by Soviet socialists. Under Lenin, the Russian Orthodox Church remained powerful (then Stalin became tyrant in 1922). The Swastika was also used to represent “S” letter shapes for “SOCIALISM” (Marx’s underlying dogma). 4. Marx, Hitler and their supporters self-identified as “socialists” by the very word in voluminous speeches and writings. The term "Socialist" appears throughout Mein Kampf as a self-description by Hitler. (Marx also used the term “Communist”). 5. Hitler was heavily influenced by Marx. Many socialists in the USA were also shaped by Marx. Two famous American socialists (the cousins Edward Bellamy and Francis Bellamy) were heavily influenced by Marx. The American socialists returned the favor: Francis Bellamy created the “Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag” that produced Nazi salutes and Nazi behavior. The Bellamy cousins were American national socialists. 6. Hitler never called himself a "Nazi." There was no “Nazi Germany.” There was no “Nazi Party.” 7. Hitler never called himself a “Fascist.” Modern socialists use “Nazi” and “Fascist” to hide how Hitler and his comrades self-identified: SOCIALIST. 9. The term “Nazi” isn’t in "Mein Kampf" nor in "Triumph of the Will." 10. The term “Fascist” never appears in Mein Kampf as a self-description by Hitler. 11. The term “swastika” never appears in the original Mein Kampf. 12. There is no evidence that Hitler ever used the word “swastika.” 13. The symbol that Hitler did use was intended to represent “S”-letter shapes for “socialist.” 14. Hitler altered his own signature to show his “S-shapes for socialism” logo branding.
Invoking the Beyond: by Paul D. Collins,Phillip D. Collins Pdf
The Gnostic revival of the Enlightenment witnessed the erection of what could be called the “Kantian Rift,” an epistemological barrier between external reality and the mind of the percipient. Arbitrarily proclaimed by German philosopher Immanuel Kant, this barrier rendered the world as a terra incognita. Suddenly, the world “out there” was deemed imperceptible and unknowable. In addition to the outer world, the cherished metaphysical certainties of antiquity—the soul, a transcendent order, and God—swiftly evaporated. The way was paved for a new set of modern mythmakers who would populate the world “out there” with their own surrogates for the Divine. Collectively, these surrogates could be referred to as the Beyond because they epistemologically and ontologically overwhelm humanity. In recent years, the Beyond has been invoked by theoreticians, literary figures, intelligence circles, and deep state operatives who share some variant of a technocratic vision for the world. In turn, these mythmakers have either directly or indirectly served elitist interests that have been working toward the establishment of a global government and the creation of a New Man. Their hegemony has been legitimized through the invocation of a wrathful earth goddess, a technological Singularity, a superweapon, and extraterrestrial “gods.” All of these are merely masks for the same counterfeit divinity... the Beyond.
Karl Marx and the World Socialist Panorama by Louis Patsouras Pdf
This work on socialism and its near variants is a comprehensive study of its history from the Old Stone Age to the present, employing the disciplines of history, economics, anthropology, sociology, and psychology. This work features mainly the thought of Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, but it does not neglect other socialists and anarchists, including Plato, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Michael Bakunen, Peter Kropotkin, V.I. Lenin, Thorstein Veblem, Jean-Paul Sartre, and many others. Through the work, Patsouras examines prominent socialist thinkers within the world’s great religions, placing emphasis on Jesus of Nazareth, who expressed the wishes of the oppressed poor to rid themselves of their rulers and usher in a society of equality and prosperity The work sketches the class struggles of the peasants in Europe in the late middle Ages and Early Modern Times, as well as the great Taiping Rebellion in China. Patsouras examines and compares socialism in the U.S., Western Europe, Russia, and China. Attention is also paid to Russia, the former Soviet Union, and China and their socialist and near-socialist systems inspired by Marx, as well as the changing composition of the working classes throughout the world-and their efforts to survive and prosper in a capitalist hegemony.
Why did Karl Marx want to exclude politics and the market from his vision of a future socialism? In Karl Marx: The Burden of Reason, Allan Megill begins with this question. Megill's examination of Marx's formative writings casts new light on Marx's relation to philosophy and reveals a hitherto largely unknown 'rationalist' Marx. In demonstrating how Marx's rationalism permeated his attempts to understand politics, economics, and history generally, Megill forces the reader to rethink Marx's entire intellectual project. While Megill writes as an intellectual historian and historian of philosophy, his highly original redescription of the Marxian enterprise has important implications for how we think about the usability of Marx's work today. Karl Marx: The Burden of Reason will be of interest to those who wish to reflect on the fate of Marxism during the era of Soviet Communism. It will also be of interest to those who wish to discern what is living and what is dead, what is adequate and what requires replacement or supplementation, in the work of a figure who, in spite of everything, remains one of the greatest philosophers and social scientists of the modern world.
