Usak Yearbook Of Politics And International Relations
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USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations: Volume 5 by İhsan Bal,M. Turgut Demirtepe Pdf
USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations, the fifth edition of which was published in 2012, is an annual, peer-reviewed, English language scholarly journal. The Editorial Office of the Yearbook is in the central building of the International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) in Ankara, Turkey. However, the Yearbook is an independent publication in terms of scholarly research and the editors decide its publication policies. Esteemed academics dispassionately evaluate all submitted articles to ensure their conformity with academic rules and formats. While the focal points of published articles converge on international relations, international law and political science, essentially; subjects regarding Area studies of the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East, Central Asia, and Europe are also spared considerable space. Additionally, pieces concerning international security, sociology, and anthropological studies are also regularly included in the Yearbook. Now entering its sixth year of compilation, the Yearbook provides a scholarly platform for academics and researchers throughout the world. The USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations is gifted to every dual subscriber to the Review of International Law and Politics (UHP) and the Journal of Central Asia and the Caucasus (OAKA) after their first year of subscription. Indexes through which our followers can browse and access Yearbook are as follows: Hein Online, International Political Science Abstracts (IPSA), PAIS International, CSA Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, CSA Sociological Abstracts, CSA Social Services Abstracts and ULAKBİM.
USAK Yearbook of International Politics and Law: Volume 4 by Sedat Laçiner,İhsan Bal Pdf
USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations, the fifth edition of which was published in 2012, is an annual, peer-reviewed, English language scholarly journal. The Editorial Office of the Yearbook is in the central building of the International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) in Ankara, Turkey. However, the Yearbook is an independent publication in terms of scholarly research and the editors decide its publication policies. Esteemed academics dispassionately evaluate all submitted articles to ensure their conformity with academic rules and formats. The review reports are confidentially stored in the Yearbook's archives for five years. While the focal points of published articles converge on international relations, international law and political science, essentially; subjects regarding Area studies of the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East, Central Asia, and Europe are also spared considerable space. Additionally, pieces concerning international security, sociology, and anthropological studies are also regularly included in the Yearbook. Now entering its sixth year of compilation, the Yearbook provides a scholarly platform for academics and researchers throughout the world. The USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations is gifted to every dual subscriber to the Review of International Law and Politics (UHP) and the Journal of Central Asia and the Caucasus (OAKA) after their first year of subscription. Indexes through which our followers can browse and access Yearbook are as follows: Hein Online, International Political Science Abstracts (IPSA), PAIS International, CSA Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, CSA Sociological Abstracts, CSA Social Services Abstracts and ULAKBİM.
USAK Yearbook of International Politics and Law by Anonim Pdf
Bu kitap USAK'ın yılda bir kez İngilizce olarak yayınladığı, o yıl içinde USAK uzmanları ve araştırmacıları tarafından yazılan en seçkin makale ve yorumların yer aldığı yayınıdır. Alanında uzman kişiler tarafından yazılmış makaleler arasından seçilen en seçkinleri böylelikle okuyucunun beğenisine sunulmaktadır.
A Research Guide to Southeastern Europe by Zachariah H. Claybaugh Pdf
This book seeks to aid scholars of all stripes in researching the nations, states, and peoples of the Balkan Peninsula in the Modern Age, presenting a single-source alternative to scholars for launching projects that span the humanities and social sciences.
The Arab Spring Effect on Turkey’s Role, Decision-making and Foreign Policy by Fadi Elhusseini Pdf
This book analyses Turkey’s role in the Arab world and investigates the effects of the Arab Spring on Turkish foreign policy, decision-making and its role. Particular attention is focused on widespread terms such as strategic depth, neo-Ottomans and the Turkish Model. It also provides incisive discussions of the key tenets of the Turkish official responses to Arab revolts and narrates the advantages and challenges that come to forge any potential regional role for Turkey.
Turkey And China: Political, Economic, And Strategic Aspects Of The Relationship by Selcuk Colakoglu Pdf
'The book represents an insightful historical and contemporary account of the Turkish-Chinese relationship, especially in the early periods it considers, and also in tracing the institutional developments between the two following Turkish domestic political changes. Moreover, Turkey and China covers how these two countries have reacted to each other over sensitive issues including Turkey's relation with Taiwan and China's policies towards the Turkic Uyghurs. The book is of interest to diplomats, journalists, students, and researchers working on Turkish foreign policy, Turkish-Asian affairs, and Chinese strategies in the Middle East.'Asian AffairsWhat are the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and China? How is the Sino-Turkish cooperation affected by other large regional powers? Are Turkey and China compatible enough to sustain a strong and steady relationship in a turbulent future?The relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the People's Republic of China has had many ups and downs from 1949 to the present day. At the start of the Cold War, Turkey diplomatically recognized only the Republic of China (Taiwan) like its NATO allies. Following the Sino-American normalization in 1971, Ankara established diplomatic relations with Beijing and ceased contact with Taipei. Since then, relations between Turkey and China have grown steadily with some setbacks.Turkey and China analyses Turkey-China relations from political, economic, strategic, and cultural perspectives. Turkey's policies towards Taiwan and the Uyghur cause are covered from the beginning. The Sino-Turkish cooperation on the economy, trade, the defence industry, energy, and nuclear technology are also elaborated. Crucially, the Silk Road partnership in the context of China's Belt and Road Initiative and Turkey's Middle Corridor has a deep-rooted focus alongside future perspectives. Finally, the roles of other actors — particularly the United States and Russia — in Sino-Turkish relations have a primary focus, further clarified by the impact of international organizations and forums like the United Nations, NATO, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the European Union, the G20, and BRICS.
Humanitarian Intervention and the Responsibility to Protect by Birsen Erdogan Pdf
This book offers a discursive analysis of the Turkish Foreign Policy on Humanitarian Interventions (HI) and the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Across the chapters the author addresses important questions, such as: what is the position of the HI and R2P in the Turkish foreign policy discourse? Is there any variation between cases when it comes to the use of these concepts? How do these discourses shape/change/transform or sustain the Turkish identity? Despite the tendency in some countries to incorporate HI and R2P principles into their foreign policy (UK, Netherlands, Canada, Japan), and the fact that some countries are lobbying to make these principles a part of international or UN law, in the developing world these policies and concepts have not gained widespread recognition or approval. Countries like China, Brazil and India approach these concepts with suspicion or with reservation. The same tendency can be observed in the MENA region and in some parts of Africa and Asia. In this book, the author looks at the reasons behind these differences in approach and explores how the concept of identity affects Turkish foreign policy specifically. This study is invaluable for researchers and students of R2P and HI and foreign policy discourse in general.
This book explores shifts in Turkey's foreign policy and the relevance of Turkey's reconnect offensive with Asia. With the end of the Cold War, Turkey and the West had lost the mutuality of interests and threat perceptions, particularly towards Russia. Western countries are now occupied by the rise of China and are in search of new allies in the Asia Pacific. Turkey is left in its region to deal with Russia and crises that are primary outcomes of Western failures in Syria, Libya, Iraq, Azerbaijan, and Qatar. In the absence of its Western allies, Turkey engaged with Russia alone to deconflict and stabilise Syria, Libya, and Azerbaijan. Turkey's ruling conservative AK Party, however, had won elections from 2002 to 2012 on a strong pro-EU and pro-West agenda. Now, it is talking about ‘strategic autonomy’, ‘multidimensionalism’, ‘diversification’, or ‘the world is bigger than five’. The new foreign policy gestures are underpinned by the rise of the domestic defence industry, nationalist politics at home, and increased trade relations with key Asian economies, China, India, and Indonesia. At an international level, the ruling party has instrumentalised strong criticism of the West for injustice and neglect of the Turkish, Muslim, Islamic, and non-western world. Although this reminds of the history of Turkey's failed quests to shift from a West-centric foreign policy to an unknown direction, the book argues that Turkey's reconnect with Asia is rather to complement and strengthen its relations with the West.
Insight Turkey 2015 - Spring 2015 (Vol. 17, No. 2) by Anonim Pdf
Energy security, at the heart of energy policy, has become central to the dynamics of international relations. Political turmoil has overwhelmed many oil and gas producing countries, forcing them to adapt their national energy policies according to this continuous change. Specifically, because of the wars and instability in the Middle East and the Ukrainian crisis, global energy security is no longer guaranteed. One of the foremost experts on the energy industry, Daniel Yergin, identifies energy security as “the availability of sufficient supplies at affordable prices.” He also comments that every country interprets the definition of energy security with its own dynamics. In practice, the definition of energy security is polysemic and the topic of energy security is being explored daily, under the lens of numerous new studies, by scholars, energy experts, government officials, activists, and journalists.
Populist and Pro-Violence State Religion by Ihsan Yilmaz,Ismail Albayrak Pdf
This book explores state–religion relations under a populist authoritarian ruling party in Turkey. In doing so, it investigates how the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) instrumentalizes state-controlled religion to further, defend, legitimatize and propagate its authoritarian populist political agenda in a constitutionally secular nation-state. To exemplify this, the authors examine the Friday sermons delivered weekly in every mosque in Turkey by the Turkish State’s Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet). By analyzing all sermons delivered between 2010-2021, the book shows how the Diyanet has enthusiastically adopted AKP’s increasingly Islamist, authoritarian, civilisationist, militarist and pro-violence populism since 2010, and how it has tried to socially engineer beliefs in line with this ideology.
Domestic and Regional Uncertainties in the New Turkey by Alessio Chiriatti,Ozgur Tufekci Pdf
Turkey has faced, in the last two decades, a number of critical events, like wars, conflicts and frictions in the Balkans, the Caucasus, and the Middle East, that have represented a huge challenge for its foreign policy and civil and economic interventions. Turkish multi-directionality and multidimensionality have been tested by these occurrences, demonstrating that what some scholars and experts had defined as a “model” contained failures as well as success. This book examines these dynamics through case studies of the humanitarian, cultural, economic and political dimensions of Turkey’s role in a diffuse neighbourhood, in which the country has tried to exert its power in recent decades. Starting from the questions that the Cold War and the arrival of the AKP in government have opened for Ankara, the volume illustrates two of the most important sides of the Turkish strategic repositioning in the international system. The first part is focused on the main humanitarian and political struggles in contemporary Turkish society, while the second explores the main fault-lines in Turkey’s regional policy and the development of the country’s foreign policy. As such, the book represents a valuable resource for both graduate and undergraduate students, academics and researchers in the areas of Turkish studies, foreign policy, regional politics, Middle Eastern studies, security, political economy and European studies as well as for the general public.
Global Expectations for Korean Unification by Kyuryoon Kim et al. Pdf
The current research aims to provide analytical understandings on the costs and benefits of Korean unification from political, social, and economic aspects. Upon the two years of earlier works, we constructed an analytical model encompassing both spatial and temporal dimensions of the unification process, and built comprehensive architecture, ‘the Guiding Type of Unification.’ Based on this model, we have broaden the scope of the research by collecting diverse perspectives from the worldwide experts of the leading countries. We expect to observe the global trends of world governance. Indeed, the increasing importance of Group of Twenty (G‐20) countries in managing global problems reflects both political and social aspects of the changes occurring in global governance. Another reason for this would be South Korea’s diversified international relations in the recent years. Hence, it seems necessary to take a closer look on the international dimensions of Korean unification. In this vein, we requested thirteen experts of the leading countries to express their opinions on Korean unification. In order to collect international perspectives in a coordinated manner, scholars were provided with a guideline to include their perspectives on the expected effects of Korean Unification and the potential roles of their countries during and after the process. Participants were also asked to present candid implications for Korean unification. Argentina, whose food supply is abundant, laid stress on providing assistance in terms of food security during the unification. Australia, who has special concerns in Asian security, suggested a comprehensive support not only as a mediator but also as one of the U.S. alliance. Due to remote distance to Asia, Brazil is relatively less affected by the unification. Brazil, however, expressed that it has a keen interest in transmission of its experience regarding nuclear issues with Argentina. Similar to Brazil’s stance, the effects of the unification influence is indirect to Canada. Nevertheless, Canada could play a role in providing humanitarian assistance, and could be a potential destination for North Korean refugee resettlement. France, one of the most influential members in the European Union and the United Nations, made a suggestion to promote institution building in East Asia that can promote stability in the region. Germany, the only country who had experienced unification, presented its interest in participating actively in the process of Korean unification through public and private sectors. India assumed that the unification of Korea leads to the denuclearization of the peninsula, and would see this as a positive sign for stability of the region, since it would limit or end North Korea’s nuclear weapon transmits with Pakistan. Indonesia could contribute to regional peace and stability through ASEAN and its extensions as South Korea can call upon Indonesia to engage in the peace process. Italy, who especially pointed out the role of European Union as a whole, is well-poised to contribute to economic and social development with North Korea through technical assistance. Mexico can, and expressed its willingness to play an active role in the unification process through international organizations. South Africa, who had been successful in national reconciliation and denuclearization, is very likely to provide its experience and can be a strong voice for the NPT and arms control in the international society. Advocating South Korea’s policy in Korean unification, Turkey explicitly mentioned that it will side with Seoul if there is a possible conflict in the peninsula. The author emphasized that the international community must be well-informed on how Korean unification will take place. Last but not least, the United Kingdom author suggested that Koreans will have to resolve emotional conflicts for reconciliation. Considering how both Koreas have dealt educational matters concerning the division of the peninsula, this may face a major challenge in the future generation. Thirteen countries’ diversely manifested positions on the unifying process are indicative of perceptual change that the issue of Korean unification is no longer a regional issue, but an international one, in which multiple actors have their own stakes within. Upon the previously suggested implications, we categorized the countries into three groups: bystanders, supporters, and interveners. This categorization reflects the assertiveness of each country, or coercive level of each country’s assistance instrumented towards the two Koreas during the unifying process. In the conclusion, based on our final analysis, we provided recommendations for the policy makers. First, diversified diplomacy creates an amicable international environment for unification policies beyond the power politics of the Four Powers. Second, activation of leading countries’ roles is strategically advantageous to activate the meaningful roles of these leading countries to minimize the Four Powers’ concerns. Third, emphasizing the formation of multilateral system would provide leading countries with an additional motivation to actively participate in the unification process. Furthermore, multilateral efforts to achieve Korean unification are also expected to contribute to the furtherance of democratic elements in the dynamics of international relations as a whole. Fourth, it is now high time for us to conduct more public diplomacy by devising new and creative methodologies. The global research project of this kind could be one of the most effective public diplomatic tools. Lastly, the unification between two Koreas can no longer be considered as a regional issue within Northeast Asia since others, including the leading countries, conceive their national interests along the process of unification on the Korean peninsula in diverse ways. Overall, thirteen countries’ recommendations underline the significance of collective efforts in addressing the unification process and suggest South Korea to learn lessons from the experience that they have undergone in the past. Keywords: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Mexico, South Africa, Turkey, United Kingdom, Expectation, Role, Effect ------------- CONTENTS ------------- Acknowledgments Abstract Ⅰ. INTRODUCTION Ⅱ. EFFECTS AND ROLES 1. Argentina 2. Australia 3. Brazil 4. Canada 5. France 6. Germany 7. India 8. Indonesia 9. Italy 10. Mexico 11. South Africa 12. Turkey 13. United Kingdom Ⅲ. ANALYSIS AND EVALUATION 1. Expected Effect 2. Potential Roles 3. Classification of Leading Countries Ⅳ. CONCLUSION References Recent Publications
