Firearm And Explosives Background Checks Involving Terrorist Watch List Records
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Firearm and Explosives Background Checks Involving Terrorist Watch List Records by Eileen R. Larence Pdf
The FBI and designated state and local criminal justice agencies use the FBI's Nat. Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) to conduct background checks (BC) on individuals before gun dealers may transfer any firearm to an unlicensed individual. There is no basis to automatically prohibit a person from possessing firearms or explosives because they appear on the terrorist watch list (TWL). Rather, there must be a disqualifying factor, such as a felony conviction or illegal immigration status. This report addresses: (1) the number of NICS BC involving TWL records, and the FBI's current procedures for handling these BC; and (2) has the FBI collected info. from NICS BC involving TWL records and shared this info. with counterterrorism officials? Illus.
Gun Control and Terrorism by Laurie E. Ekstrand Pdf
Membership in a terrorist org. does not prohibit a person from owning a gun under current law. Thus, during presale screening of prospective firearms purchasers, the Nat. Instant Criminal Background Check System historically did not utilize terrorist watch list records. However, for homeland security & other purposes, the FBI & applicable state agencies began receiving notices when such screening involved watch lists records. This report determined: (1) how many checks have resulted in valid matches with terrorist watch list records, (2) procedures for providing federal counter-terrorism officials relevant info. from valid-match background checks, & (3) the extent to which the FBI monitors or audits the states' handling of such checks. Illus.
Terrorist Watchlist Screening: FBI Has Enhanced Its Use of Information from Firearm and Explosives Background Checks to Support Counterterrorism Efforts by Eileen R. Larence Pdf
Membership in a terrorist organization does not prohibit a person from possessing firearms or explosives under current federal law. However, for homeland security and other purposes, the FBI is notified when a firearm or explosives background check involves an individual on the terrorist watchlist. This statement addresses: (1) how many checks have resulted in matches with the terrorist watchlist; (2) how the FBI uses information from these checks for counterterrorism purposes; and (3) pending legislation that would give the Attorney General authority to deny certain checks. Includes recommendations. Charts and tables.
Terrorist Watchlist Screening by United States Government Accountability Office Pdf
Terrorist Watchlist Screening: FBI Has Enhanced Its Use of Information from Firearm and Explosives Background Checks to Support Counterterrorism Efforts
Firearms, Explosives and Terrorists by Frank R. Lautenberg Pdf
Instead of making us safer, U.S. law is enabling suspected terrorists to purchase the guns and explosives they need to carry out an attack. The ¿Terror Gap¿ ¿- which prohibits the gov¿t. from stopping people on the terrorist watch list from purchasing guns and explosives -- must be closed before it is too late. Given the trend in terror attacks toward firearms and explosives, this loophole in the law is a clear and present danger to the safety of Americans. Contents of this report: Commando-style attacks abroad; The growing threat at home; Current U.S. gun laws increase risk of commando attacks; Avail. of firearms and explosives in the U.S.; Proposed legislation that will help prevent the next attack. Charts and tables. A print on demand pub.
Gun Control and Terrorism by United States Government Accountability Pdf
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Gun control and terrorism FBI could better manage firearmrelated background checks involving terrorist watch list records : report to congressional requesters. by Anonim Pdf
One Nation Under Surveillance by Simon Chesterman Pdf
What limits, if any, should be placed on a government's efforts to spy on its citizens in the interests of national security? Spying on foreigners has long been regarded as an unseemly but necessary enterprise. Spying on one's own citizens in a democracy, by contrast, has historically been subject to various forms of legal and political restraint. For most of the twentieth century these regimes were kept distinct. That position is no longer tenable. Modern threats do not respect national borders. Changes in technology make it impractical to distinguish between 'foreign' and 'local' communications. And our culture is progressively reducing the sphere of activity that citizens can reasonably expect to be kept from government eyes. The main casualty of this transformed environment will be privacy. Recent battles over privacy have been dominated by fights over warrantless electronic surveillance or CCTV; the coming years will see debates over data-mining and biometric identification. There will be protests and lawsuits, editorials and elections resisting these attacks on privacy. Those battles are worthy. But they will all be lost. Modern threats increasingly require that governments collect such information, governments are increasingly able to collect it, and citizens increasingly accept that they will collect it. The point of this book is to shift focus away from questions of whether governments should collect information and onto more problematic and relevant questions concerning its use. By reframing the relationship between privacy and security in the language of a social contract, mediated by a citizenry who are active participants rather than passive targets, the book offers a framework to defend freedom without sacrificing liberty.
“Guns don't kill people; people kill people.” “When guns are outlawed, only outlaws will have guns.” “An armed society is a polite society.” Who hasn't heard these engaging assertions, time and time again? Burned into the national consciousness by years of targeted, disciplined messaging by the National Rifle Association and others, they are just a few of the bumper-sticker slogans that have defined the gun control debate in America. Long ridiculed by gun control advocates, they are the first words that come to mind for most Americans when the gun issue is discussed. This is the first book both to acknowledge the profound and deadly impact of the gun lobby's bumper-sticker logic on the gun control debate and to systematically expose the misguided thinking at the core of the pro-gun slogans. Indeed, the author contends that the gun lobby's remarkable success in blocking passage of lifesaving gun laws is the result, in large part, of its relentless and effective use of these simple and resonant messages. Their persuasive power has been a largely ignored influence on the current politics of gun control, in which the gun lobby wields unprecedented power in the Republican Party, while many Democratic Party leaders see the policy benefits of stronger gun laws as not worth the political risk of standing up to the NRA. The book contends that the current political stalemate over guns will never be broken until the pro-gun slogans are exposed as the cleverly disguised fallacies that they are.
Congress has continued to debate the efficacy and constitutionality of federal regulation of firearms and ammunition, with strong advocates arguing for and against greater gun control. While several dozen gun control-related proposals have been introduced in recent Congresses, only a handful of those bills received significant legislative action. The 109th Congress, for example, passed two bills with firearmsrelated provisions that were enacted into law. P.L. 109-72 prohibits certain types of lawsuits against firearm manufacturers and dealers to recover damages related to the criminal or unlawful use of their products by other persons, and P.L. 109-295 includes a provision that prohibits federal officials from seizing any firearm from private persons during a major disaster or emergency, if possession of that firearm was not already prohibited under federal or state law. Nevertheless, the 110th Congress could possibly reconsider several gun control proposals that were considered as part of appropriations and crime legislation in the previous Congress. During the 109th Congress, the House amended the Children's Safety Act of 2005 (H.R. 3132) to prohibit the transfer or possession of a firearm to or by any person convicted of a sex offense against a minor. The House also amended Secure Access to Justice and Court Protection Act of 2005 (H.R. 1751) to authorize certain federal court judges and officials to carry firearms for personal protection. The Senate passed a different version of H.R. 1751 that included similar provisions, as well as provisions designed to clarify and expand the Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act (P.L. 108-277) -- a law that gives concealed carry privileges to qualified on-duty and retired law enforcement officers. None of those provisions were enacted into law, however. In addition, the House Judiciary considered four gun-related bills: the ATFE Modernization and Reform Act of 2006 (H.R. 5092), the Firearms Corrections and Improvement Act (H.R. 5005), the Firearm Commerce Modernization Act (H.R. 1384), and the NICS Improvement Act of 2005 (H.R. 1415). H.R. 5092 was passed by the House. The 109th Congress, moreover, maintained a fee prohibition for Brady background checks and other funding limitations and conditions related to gun enforcement in the FY2006 DOJ appropriations (P.L. 109-108). Those limitations and conditions have been continued into FY2007 under continuing resolutions. They are often referred to as the "Tiahrt amendment," for their sponsor in the FY2004 appropriations cycle, Representative Todd Tiahrt. Issues addressed in those bills, as well as the Tiahrt funding limitations and conditions, could be reconsidered in the 110th Congress. Senator Charles Schumer, for example, has introduced a bill (S. 77) that would repeal portions of the Tiahrt amendment that limit the sharing of firearm trace data. Other gun control-related issues that may reemerge in the 110th Congress include (1) retaining Brady background check records for approved transactions to enhance terrorist screening, (2) more strictly regulating certain long-range fifty caliber rifles, (3) further regulating certain firearms previously defined in statute as "assault weapons," and (4) requiring background checks for firearm transfers at gun shows. This report will updated to reflect legislative action.
