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The Fifteen Weeks (February 21 - June 5, 1947) by Joseph M. Jones Pdf
A DRAMATIC AND REVEALING ACCOUNT, FROM INSIDE THE GOVERNMENT, OF THE MOMENTOUS DAYS IN WHICH AMERICA ASSUMED THE RESPONSIBILITY OF WORLD LEADERSHIP. First published in 1955, Joseph M. Jones’ memoirs The Fifteen Weeks chronicle his role in the development of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan. “The fifteen weeks which form the title and subject of this book comprise the period in 1947 when the United States stepped out irrevocably and wholeheartedly as leader upon the world stage.... “The greatness of a nation, like the greatness of an individual, is in the last analysis a mystery. We do not know why at one time immense exertions and far-reaching vision are more prevalent than at others. Yet to look within, to account for the obvious factors in the situation is highly useful. That function is performed in a book which for readability and for responsible narration would be hard to surpass.”—August Heckscher in the New York Herald Tribune.
Author : Joseph Marion Jones Publisher : Unknown Page : 310 pages File Size : 47,5 Mb Release : 1964 Category : United States ISBN : UOM:39015013959898
Author : Joseph Marion Jones Publisher : Unknown Page : 316 pages File Size : 50,8 Mb Release : 1955 Category : United States ISBN : UCSC:32106000626405
Acheson is the first complete biography of the most important and controversial secretary of state of the twentieth century. More than any other of the renowned "Wise Men" who together proposed our vision of the world in the aftermath of World War II, Dean Acheson was the quintessential man of action. Drawing on Acheson family diaries and letters as well as recent revelations from Russian and Chinese archives, historian James Chace traces Acheson's remarkable life, from his days as a schoolboy at Groton and his carefree life at Yale to his work for President Franklin Roosevelt on international financial policy and his unique partnership with President Truman. Acheson was a housemate of Cole Porter's at Harvard Law School, a protégé of Supreme Court justice Felix Frankfurter's, a friend of poet Archibald MacLeish's, a key adviser to General George Marshall, and a confidant of Winston Churchill's. Serving as Truman's secretary of state from 1949 to 1953, he was indeed "present at the creation," as he entitled his memoirs. More than any other of Truman's powerful and glamorous advisers, Acheson conceived the shape of the postwar world and mastered the policies that ensured its birth and endurance. He was the driving force behind the Truman Doctrine to contain the Soviet Union's expansionist ambitions; the Marshall Plan to rebuild the shattered economies of Europe; and NATO, the military alliance that would bind Western Europe and the United States and keep the Soviet Union firmly behind the Iron Curtain until it collapsed. Chace corrects many misconceptions about Acheson's role in the Cold War. Acheson was not one of the original Cold Warriors. In 1945, willing to acknowledge Soviet concerns about its security, Acheson worked closely with Secretary of War Henry Stimson on a plan to share America's scientific information about atomic energy with Moscow in order to avert an arms race. It was only when Moscow made threatening demands on Turkey for bases in the Dardanelles that Acheson hardened his views toward the Soviet Union. Acheson's initial approach toward Communist China was similarly nonideological. He had little sympathy for Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists on Taiwan and, until the outbreak of the Korean War, held out hope that the United States would soon recognize Mao Zedong's regime as the legitimate government of China. Acheson's early pragmatism toward Moscow and Beijing, and his refusal to denounce Alger Hiss, a State Department colleague accused of being a Communist, earned him the enmity of the McCarthyites, who accused Acheson of having "lost" China and of sabotaging General Douglas MacArthur in Korea. Later, Acheson encouraged President Kennedy to stand firm against the Soviets in the Berlin Wall and Cuban missile crises. He headed a group of elder statesmen who advised President Johnson on the Vietnam War. When Acheson turned against the war, Johnson realized that domestic support for his policy had crumbled. Acheson is a masterful biography of a great statesman whose policies won the Cold War. It is also an important and dramatic work of history chronicling the momentous decisions, events, and fascinating personalities of the most critical decades of the American Century.
Liberal America and the Third World by Robert A. Packenham Pdf
In Europe after World War II, U.S. economic aid helped to ensure economic revival, political stability, and democracy. In the Third World, however, aid has been associated with very different tendencies: uneven political development, violence, political instability, and authoritarian rule in most countries. Despite these differing patterns of political change in Europe and the Third World, however, American conceptions of political development have remained largely constant: democracy, stability, anti-communism. Why did the objectives and theories of U.S. aid officials and social scientists remain largely the same in the face of such negative results and despite the seeming inappropriateness of their ideas in the Third World context? Robert Packenham believes that the thinking of both officials and social scientists was profoundly influenced by the "Liberal Tradition" and its view of the American historical experience. Thus, he finds that U.S. opposition to revolution in the Third World steins not only from perceptions of security needs but also from the very conceptions of development that arc held by Americans. American pessimism about the consequences of revolution is intimately related to American optimism about the political effects of economic growth. In his final chapter the author offers some suggestions for a future policy. Originally published in 1973. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Norman A. Graebner,Richard Dean Burns,Joseph M. Siracusa
Author : Norman A. Graebner,Richard Dean Burns,Joseph M. Siracusa Publisher : Bloomsbury Publishing USA Page : 703 pages File Size : 51,8 Mb Release : 2010-05-05 Category : Political Science ISBN : 9780313385261
America and the Cold War, 1941–1991 [2 volumes] by Norman A. Graebner,Richard Dean Burns,Joseph M. Siracusa Pdf
Three distinguished diplomatic historians offer an assessment of the Cold War in the realist tradition that focuses on balancing the objectives of foreign policy with the means of accomplishing them. America and the Cold War, 1941–1991: A Realist Interpretation is a sweeping historical account that focuses on the policy differences at the center of this conflict. In its pages, three preeminent authors offer an examination of contemporary criticism of the Cold War, documenting the views of observers who appreciated that many policies of the period were not only dangerous, but could not resolve the problems they contemplated. The study offers a comprehensive chronicle of U.S.-Soviet relations, broadly conceived, from World War II to the collapse of the Soviet Union. It places the origins of the Cold War as related to the contentious issues of World War II and stresses the failure of Washington to understand or seriously seek settlement of those issues. It points out how nuclear weaponry gradually assumed political stature and came to dominate high-level, Soviet-American diplomatic activity, at the same time discounting the notion that the Cold War was a global ideological confrontation for the future of civilization. A concluding chapter draws lessons from the Cold War decades, showing how they apply to dealing with nation-states and terrorist groups today.
In the aftermath of World War II, civil war erupted in Greece between Western-orientated government forces and Communist rebels. The Truman administration subsequently became heavily involved in the internal conflict, including the establishment of an American military presence on Greek soil and regular arms shipments. This early containment policy, focusing on Greece as a crucial outpost in the Mediterranean arena, was symbolic of "America's Commitment to Free World Principles", and her fear that the Soviet's ultimate goal was world domination. This text explores the issues surrounding these events.
Drawing on neo-Gramscian theories of International Political Economy, this book explores the impact of the Marshall Plan on labour and government in Britain. Rather than the US imposing a 'politics of productivity' on an unwilling government, the centre-right of the Labour Party used the Marshall Plan to achieve its own political ends. Manipulating Hegemony shows how the government was able to marginalise the left to create a pattern of state-labour politics that was to endure until the end of the 1970s.
Dean Acheson and the Making of U.S. Foreign Policy by Douglas Brinkley Pdf
President Truman's Secretary of State (1949-53), Dean Acheson was a crucial figure in the shaping of the postwar world. In an astonishingly creative and demanding tenure Acheson was involved to a degree seldom realized today in a huge range of issues: from the creation of NATO to the Korean War. The result of a major commemorative conference, this volume brings together ten distinguished diplomatic historians, commissioned to write on various aspects of Acheson's career, based on primary archival research.
Henry Kissinger Foreign Policy E-book Boxed Set by Henry Kissinger Pdf
This ebook box set includes the following books by Henry Kissinger, detailing America’s approach to foreign policy. Crisis: By drawing upon hitherto unpublished transcripts of his telephone conversations during the Yom Kippur War (1973) and the last days of the Vietnam War (1975), Henry Kissinger reveals what goes on behind the scenes at the highest levels in a diplomatic crisis. Does America Need A Foreign Policy?: With a new afterword by the author that addresses the situation in the aftermath of September 11, this thoughtful and important book, written by America's most famous diplomatist, explains why we urgently need a new and coherent foreign policy and what our foreign policy goals should be in this new millennium. In seven accessible chapters, Kissinger provides a crystalline assessment of how the United States' ascendancy as the world's dominant presence in the twentieth century may be effectively reconciled with the urgent need in the twenty-first century to achieve a bold new world order. Diplomacy: Moving from a sweeping overview of history to blow-by-blow accounts of his negotiations with world leaders, Henry Kissinger describes how the art of diplomacy has created the world in which we live, and how America's approach to foreign affairs has always differed vastly from that of other nations. This is vital reading for anyone concerned with the forces that have shaped our world today and will impact upon it tomorrow.
Why has the United States assumed so extensive and costly a role in world affairs over the last hundred years? The two most common answers to this question are "because it could" and "because it had to." Neither answer will do, according to this challenging re-assessment of the way that America came to assume its global role. The country's vast economic resources gave it the capacity to exercise great influence abroad, but Americans were long reluctant to meet the costs of wielding that power. Neither the country's safety from foreign attack nor its economic well-being required the achievement of ambitious foreign policy objectives.In A Sense of Power, John A. Thompson takes a long view of America's dramatic rise as a world power, from the late nineteenth century into the post–World War II era. How, and more importantly why, has America come to play such a dominant role in world affairs? There is, he argues, no simple answer. Thompson challenges conventional explanations of America's involvement in World War I and World War II, seeing neither the requirements of national security nor economic interests as determining. He shows how American leaders from Wilson to Truman developed an ever more capacious understanding of the national interest, and why by the 1940s most Americans came to support the price tag, in blood and treasure, attached to strenuous efforts to shape the world. The beliefs and emotions that led them to do so reflected distinctive aspects of U.S. culture, not least the strength of ties to Europe. Consciousness of the nation’s unique power fostered feelings of responsibility, entitlement, and aspiration among the people and leaders of the United States.This original analysis challenges some widely held beliefs about the determinants of United States foreign policy and will bring new insight to contemporary debates about whether the nation should—or must—play so active a part in world politics.
