The Role Of Religion In The Policy Of Serbianisation In The Aftermath Of The Balkan Wars
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The Role of Religion in the Policy of Serbianisation in the Aftermath of the Balkan Wars by Martin Hamre Pdf
Seminar paper from the year 2016 in the subject History of Europe - Newer History, European Unification, grade: 1, University of Vienna, language: English, abstract: The Balkan Wars (1912-1913) led to a crucial change for the people living in Vardar Macedonia. Having been ruled by the Ottoman Empire for a long period, they now had to cope with Serbia as occupant. Serbian military, police and authorities in general followed a nationalist policy of ‘Serbianisation’, which led to suppression of religious rights as well as harassment and atrocities against the non-Serbian population, especially Muslims. Ideas of ethnicity and religion played a significant role, when Serbian authorities tried to nationalise the people living in the region of “Vardar Macedonia” during the years 1912-1914. Suddenly, these people should not only be part of the state, but also the nation of Serbia. Background of this policy was the alleged common language, culture and religion of the people living in Serbia and in the new territory. In this paper, I will focus on the question of religion, which has to be seen in a close context to the ideas of nationalism and ethnicity in this region: Belonging to the Serbian nation meant belonging to the Serbian Orthodox Church. Since I will use diplomatic primary sources, my research question will be: “How did the idea of a common religion determine the policy of Serbianisation of Vardar-Macedonia in the eyes of foreign diplomats?”
Serbian Irredentism in Croatia by De Zhong Gao Pdf
Essay from the year 2013 in the subject History Europe - Other Countries - European Postwar Period, grade: A, McGill University, course: Independant Research, language: English, abstract: The following essay argues how the ethnic bargaining model and theory of fear provide a better understanding of ethnic irredentism and violence in Yugoslavia. This essay analyzes how institutional arrangements of the republics in the former Yugoslavia affected the collapse of the Yugoslav federation, and demonstrates how Jenne’s ethnic bargaining model and Lake and Rothchild’s theory of fear account for the origins of the Serbian-Croatian conflict.
The Ottoman legacy in the Balkans by Gisela Spreitzhofer Pdf
Seminar paper from the year 2007 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: South East Europe, Balkans, grade: A, School of Advanced Internatl. Studies (School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS)), course: The Balkans - From Fragmentation to What?, language: English, abstract: 500 years of Ottoman sovereignty have undoubtedly left significant imprints on the Balkans. Monumental edifices and everyday words spoken in different languages are, amongst others, living testimonies of the imperial past. However, there are opposing interpretations of the Ottoman legacy. The prevailing view describes the Ottomans as alien intruders, blaming them for the Balkans’ perceived backwardness, whereas others see the era more as a period of combining Turkish, Islamic, and Byzantine/Balkan traditions. In order to avoid overgeneralizations and -simplifications, the notion of an “Ottoman legacy” has to be taken with caution for a couple of reasons. Firstly, the Ottoman empire was preceded by the Byzantine empire, which itself was the successor of the Roman empire. Consequently, some traditions wrongly ascribed to the Ottomans can be traced back as far as to the Romans. Secondly, a distinction has to be made between what of this legacy is Islamic and what Ottoman. Without any doubt, many Ottoman institutions were inherited from earlier Islamic models, but the Ottomans made their own particular contributions in many fields. Thirdly, significant regional differences within the empire need to be taken into account. Finally, in some instances the question of an Ottoman inheritance has to be extended to the broader question of imperial inheritances because particularly at the end of the Ottoman era, the Balkans were also subject to influences from the Austro-Hungarian and the Russian empire. This paper is structured in the following manner. I would like to start by presenting two different interpretations of the Ottoman legacy. Next, I will describe some continuities from the Ottoman period that have persisted until today before rethinking historical perceptions in and about the Balkans. The following segment will deal with the extent to which the Ottoman past has contributed to Yugoslavia’s disintegration in the 1990s. A conclusion will top off the paper.
Reporting from the heartland of Yugoslavia in the 1970s, Washington Post correspondent Dusko Doder described "a landscape of Gothic spires, Islamic mosques, and Byzantine domes." A quarter century later, this landscape lay in ruins. In addition to claiming tens of thousands of lives, the former Yugoslavia's four wars ravaged over a thousand religious buildings, many purposefully destroyed by Serbs, Albanians, and Croats alike, providing an apt architectural metaphor for the region's recent history. Rarely has the human impulse toward monocausality--the need for a single explanation--been in greater evidence than in Western attempts to make sense of the country's bloody dissolution. From Robert Kaplan's controversial Balkan Ghosts, which identified entrenched ethnic hatreds as the driving force behind Yugoslavia's demise to NATO's dogged pursuit and arrest of Slobodan Milosevic, the quest for easy answers has frequently served to obscure the Balkans' complex history. Perhaps most surprisingly, no book has focused explicitly on the role religion has played in the conflicts that continue to torment southeastern Europe. Based on a wide range of South Slav sources and previously unpublished, often confidential documents from communist state archives, as well as on the author's own on-the-ground experience, Balkan Idols explores the political role and influence of Serbian Orthodox, Croatian Catholic, and Yugoslav Muslim religious organizations over the course of the last century. Vjekoslav Perica emphatically rejects the notion that a "clash of civilizations" has played a central role in fomenting aggression. He finds no compelling evidence of an upsurge in religious fervor among the general population. Rather, he concludes, the primary religious players in the conflicts have been activist clergy. This activism, Perica argues, allowed the clergy to assume political power without the accountablity faced by democratically-elected officials. What emerges from Perica's account is a deeply nuanced understanding of the history and troubled future of one of Europes most volatile regions.
The History of the Battle of Azule and its Aftermath by Muhamed Awal Mehadi Pdf
Academic Paper from the year 2019 in the subject History - Africa, grade: A, Raya University (Raya university), course: Ethiopian history, language: English, abstract: This paper analyses the Battle of Azule. Azule is one of the most important historical places in Ethiopia. It is a battle place where emperor Menelik II won a decisive battle over the Arsi Oromo forces. Arsi which is a well-known clan in Oromia regional state was fought to maintain its independence for about one decade. However because of the military superiority of the Menelik forces the forces the Oromo of Arsi were finally defeated at the battle of Azule in 1886. The defeat of the Oromo of Arsi led to the political, economic and social foundation of the present Ethiopian state. Not only Arsi Oromo, Harar, and Bale were the most important areas in the nineteenth century which opposes the Menelik II territorial expansions in the southeast part of Ethiopia. After their forceful subjugation, these areas did not totally become loyal to the emperor for many years. After Menelik's conquest, the land administration system of Arsi Oromo was totally changed in some parts and the politico-religious administrative system of the Arsi Oromo known as Gada system was also replaced by a new administrative system in the region.
Post-war identification is a unique ethnographic study of the remarking of post-war life in a small ethnically mixed town in Bosnia Herzegovina. During the war in the 1990s the local Muslim population was expelled, but today has returned to live alongside former enemies. These people are trying to piece together a life from broken fragments that consist of war-related traumas, nationalist propaganda, ruined economies, disappointment, and memories of pre-war life. In this shattered world Torsten Kolind identifies an everyday based, anti-nationalistic counterdiscourse strongly rooted in pre-war life. This resistance is seldom outspoken, but consists rather of a steady insistence on not using ethnic or national categories in identifying oneself and/or others. In a world of despair, the Muslim everyday counter-discourse gives hope for future coexistence, and points to the intriguing fact that reconcilement often develops from the bottom up, rather than in the political corridors of power. Torsten Kolind's focus on everyday resistance is a highly relevant contribution to contemporary anthropological discussions of the relation between discourse, power, nationalism, and violence. Book jacket.
Yugoslavia and Macedonia Before Tito by Nada Boskovska Pdf
Held together by apparatchiks and, later, Tito's charisma, Yugoslavia never really incorporated separate Balkan nationalisms into the Pan-Slavic ideal. Macedonia - frequently ignored by Belgrade - had survived centuries of Turkish domination, Bulgarian invasion and Serbian assimilation before it became part of the Yugoslav project in the aftermath of the First World War. Drawing on an extensive analysis of archival material, private correspondence, and newspaper articles, Nada Boskovska provides an arresting account of the Macedonian experience of the interwar years, charting the growth of political consciousness and the often violent state-driven attempts to curb autonomy. Sketching the complex picture of nationalism within a multi-ethnic, but unitarist state through a comprehensive analysis of policy, economy, and education, Yugoslavia and Macedonia before Tito is the first book to describe the uneasy and often turbulent relationship between a Serbian-dominated government and an increasingly politically aware Macedonian people. Concerned with the question of integration and political manipulation, Boskovska gives credence to voices critical of Royal Yugoslavia and offers a fresh insight into domestic policy and the Macedonian question, going beyond traditional high politics. Broadening the spectrum of discussion and protest, she reveals the voices of a people protesting constitutional and electoral fraud, the neglect of local needs and state machinations designed to create a satellite province.
The fourth edition of this critically acclaimed work includes a new chapter, a new epilogue, and revisions throughout the book. Sabrina Ramet, a veteran observer of the Yugoslav scene, traces the steady deterioration of Yugoslavia's political and social fabric in the years since 1980, arguing that, while the federal system and multiethnic fabric laid down fault lines, the final crisis was sown in the failure to resolve the legitimacy question, triggered by economic deterioration, and pushed forward toward war by Serbian politicians bent on power - either within a centralized Yugoslavia or within an 'ethnically cleansed' Greater Serbia. With her detailed knowledge of the area and extensive fieldwork, Ramet paints a strikingly original picture of Yugoslavia's demise and the emergence of the Yugoslav successor states.
Black Hand Over Europe is an English translation of Henri Pozzi''s book ''La Guerre Revient'', originally written in French, and published in London in 1935. For nearly thirty years the author was a member of the French and English intelligence service in the Balkans and Central Europe, and for ten years was in charge of Le Temps'' Balkans Secret Service. He was the best qualified person to explain and predict the events that were to happen in the 1930s, which he described in his book ''War is Coming Again''. Pozzi''s book, Black Hand Over Europe, was written to warn the Western World of the dangers to which they would be exposed if they continued to support Serbia''s expansionist project. Based on the combined efforts of King Aleksandar Karađorđević, Serbian radical and extremist parties supported by individuals in the army, the Serbian Orthodox Church, paramilitary organizations, some with their legal and other secret terrorist wings, such as the "Black Hand" (Crna ruka), "Unity or Death" (Ujedinjenje ili smrt), "Slavic South" (Slavenski jug), "People''s Defense" (Narodna odbrana) etc. The author also surveys the political situation in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS), renamed Yugoslavia in 1929, and shows how the Yugoslav state was created for the simple purpose of implementing Serbian domination over non-Serb nations within Yugoslavia, and infiltrating neighboring countries with secret agents. This book is distinguished by Pozzi''s excellent knowledge of the political situation in Central and South East Europe and represents a valuable testimony of his time. Following the suicide of Vojislav M. Petrović (a Montenegrin, ex-attache to the Yugoslav Legation in London, who had been preparing a small book on the history of the Sarajevo assassination in the light of the knowledge of the Pan-Serbian organization called the Black Hand), Mr. Francis Mott, a well-known English publisher, received a letter from Paris, claiming that Petrović''s death was only one in a long series of crimes committed by the Pan-Serbian terrorist organization Narodna Odbrana, which bore direct responsibility for the First World War. The author of the letter urged the publisher to print Petrović''s unfinished manuscript, along with Pozzi''s book, on the basis of the author''s personal experiences and sources of information, warning the English of the dangers all Europe would be exposed to if they continued supporting Serbian expansionist political parties. The Black Hand, Unity or Death and the other mentioned organizations with similar purposes trace their roots back to 1903 and the assassination of Serbian King Aleksandar Obrenović and his wife. At that time, born among the conspirators of that act, the idea of organizing a secret organization whose purpose would be to fight for the unity of all Serbs in Southeastern Europe, to live in the same state. The preparations for such an organization would continue until 1911, when the organization was formed under the leadership of D. Dimitrijević-Apis. At that time, the constitution and by-laws of the organization were made, as well as a seal and a flag. The flag showing a skull, two bones and a dagger. During the oath taking ceremony, they had on the table the flag, dagger, bomb and a bottle of poison. Members were required to take an oath, and should they fail to complete a given task, they were to drink the poison, otherwise they would be killed by the other members. In the constitution, when describing the unity of the Serbs, mentioned as Serbian provinces are: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Old Serbia, Macedonia, Croatia, Slavonia, Vojvodina and Primorje; areas where Serbs live and wanted to incorporate into Greater Serbia. From the time of publication of Pozzi''s books until today, the occurrences described in the Black Hand have been repeated on several times or occasions. Alarmingly, the situation today, with the "process of Western Balkans", is bone-chillingly similar!
Author : John R. Lampe,Mark Mazower Publisher : Central European University Press Page : 320 pages File Size : 41,8 Mb Release : 2004-01-10 Category : Political Science ISBN : 9786155053856
Ideologies and National Identities by John R. Lampe,Mark Mazower Pdf
Twentieth-century Southeastern Europe endured three, separate decades of international and civil war, and was marred in forced migration and wrenching systematic changes. This book is the result of a year-long project by the Open Society Institute to examine and reappraise this tumultuous century. A cohort of young scholars with backgrounds in history, anthropology, political science, and comparative literature were brought together for this undertaking. The studies invite attention to fascism, socialism, and liberalism as well as nationalism and Communism. While most chapters deal with war and confrontation, they focus rather on the remembrance of such conflicts in shaping today's ideology and national identity.
The Politics of Football in Yugoslavia by Richard Mills Pdf
Winner of the Lord Aberdare Literary Prize for 2018 Even before Tito's Communist Party established control over the war-ravaged territories which became socialist Yugoslavia, his partisan forces were using football as a revolutionary tool. In 1944 a team representing the incipient state was dispatched to play matches around the liberated Mediterranean. This consummated a deep relationship between football and communism that endured until this complex multi-ethnic polity tore itself apart in the 1990s. Starting with an exploration of the game in the short-lived interwar Kingdom, this book traces that liaison for the first time. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, it ventures across the former Yugoslavia to illustrate the myriad ways football was harnessed by an array of political forces. Communists purposefully re-engineered Yugoslavia's most popular sport in the tumult of the 1940s, using it to integrate diverse territories and populations. Subsequently, the game advanced Tito's distinct brand of communism, with its Cold War-era policy of non-alignment and experimentation with self-management. Yet, even under tight control, football was racked by corruption, match-fixing and violence. Alternative political and national visions were expressed in the stadiums of both Yugoslavias, and clubs, players and supporters ultimately became perpetrators and victims in the countries' violent demise. In Richard Mills' hands, the former Yugoslavia's stadiums become vehicles to explore the relationship between sport and the state, society, nationalism, state-building, inter-ethnic tensions and war. The book is the first in-depth study of the Yugoslav game and offers a revealing new way to approach the complex history of Yugoslavia.
Author : David Bruce Macdonald Publisher : Manchester University Press Page : 324 pages File Size : 42,6 Mb Release : 2002 Category : History ISBN : 0719064678
Balkan Holocausts? compares and contrasts Serbian and Croatian propaganda from 1986 to 1999, analyzing each group's contemporary interpretations of history and current events. It offers a detailed discussion of holocaust imagery and the history of victim-centered writing in nationalism theory, including the links between the comparative genocide debate, the so-called holocaust industry, and Serbian and Croatian nationalism. No studies on Yugoslavia have thus far devoted significant space to such analysis.
The Balkan Wars by Bejtullah D. Destani,Robert Elsie Pdf
The Ottoman Empire – the great power which had ruled much of Southeastern Europe and the Middle East for over five centuries – was manifestly in decline by 1912. Its fall from power had been gradual, but by the early years of the twentieth century, the collapse of the mighty world that had once stretched to the gates of Vienna seemed increasingly inevitable. New Balkan states – Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro and Greece – combined forces in the First Balkan War (1912-1913) to bring about its downfall. But with victory in their grasp, they were soon at one another's throats. This book contains 83 selected and edited consular dispatches and reports sent to the Foreign Office in London focusing on events in Macedonia during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1914. They reveal the extent of human suffering in the southern Balkan region in this period and provide much insight into the realities of the Balkan conflagration as it affected Macedonia and its environs. As a first-hand, on-the-spot account, this is an invaluable source for historians of twentieth-century Europe, the lead-up to World War I and the Ottoman Empire.
