Public Papers Of The Presidents Of The United States William J Clinton 1994 Book 1 January 1 To July 31 1994
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Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, William J. Clinton, 1994, Book 2, August 1 to December 31, 1994 by Anonim Pdf
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, William J. Clinton, 1994, Book 2: August 1 to December 31, 1994 Public Papers of the Presidents, William J. Clinton, 1994, by the Office of the Federal Register, contains official public messages, statements, speeches, and news conferences of the 42nd President of the United States, William J. Clinton, released by the White House from August 1 through December 31, 1994. The documents contained within this handsome hardbound edition of the Public Papers are arranged in chronological order. Also included in this handsome edition is an index and appendices.
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, William J. Clinton, 1997, Book 1, January 1 to June 30, 1997 by Anonim Pdf
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, William J. Clinton, 1997, Book 1: January 1 to June 30, 1997 Public Papers of the Presidents, William J. Clinton, 1997, by the Office of the Federal Register, contains official public messages, statements, speeches, and news conferences of the 42nd President of the United States, William J. Clinton, released by the White House from January 1 through June 30, 1997. The documents contained within this handsome hardbound edition of the Public Papers are arranged in chronological order. Included in this handsome edition is an index and appendices. Related items: Public Papers of the Presidents collection can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/catalog/public-papers-presidents
"In this overarching portrait of three decades of U.S. immigration reform, the author focuses on the roles, on the one hand, of presidents from Reagan to Obama, and on the other, of Catholic immigration advocates, shedding light on the relationship between debates over immigration policy and broader domestic politics"--Provided by publisher.
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, William J. Clinton, 1995, Bk. 2, July 1 to December 31, 1995 by Anonim Pdf
Contains the papers and speeches of the 42d President of the United0 States that were issued by the Office of the Press Secretary during the period July 1 to December 31, 1995.
Do countries fight wars for oil? Given the resource's exceptional military and economic importance, most people assume that states will do anything to obtain it. Challenging this conventional wisdom, The Oil Wars Myth reveals that countries do not launch major conflicts to acquire petroleum resources. Emily Meierding argues that the costs of foreign invasion, territorial occupation, international retaliation, and damage to oil company relations deter even the most powerful countries from initiating "classic oil wars." Examining a century of interstate violence, she demonstrates that, at most, countries have engaged in mild sparring to advance their petroleum ambitions. The Oil Wars Myth elaborates on these findings by reassessing the presumed oil motives for many of the twentieth century's most prominent international conflicts: World War II, the two American Gulf wars, the Iran–Iraq War, the Falklands/Malvinas War, and the Chaco War. These case studies show that countries have consistently refrained from fighting for oil. Meierding also explains why oil war assumptions are so common, despite the lack of supporting evidence. Since classic oil wars exist at the intersection of need and greed—two popular explanations for resource grabs—they are unusually easy to believe in. The Oil Wars Myth will engage and inform anyone interested in oil, war, and the narratives that connect them.
Numerous polls show that Americans want to reduce our military presence abroad, allowing our allies and other nations to assume greater responsibility both for their own defense and for enforcing security in their respective regions. In The Power Problem, Christopher A. Preble explores the aims, costs, and limitations of the use of this nation's military power; throughout, he makes the case that the majority of Americans are right, and the foreign policy experts who disdain the public's perspective are wrong. Preble is a keen and skeptical observer of recent U.S. foreign policy experiences, which have been marked by the promiscuous use of armed intervention. He documents how the possession of vast military strength runs contrary to the original intent of the Founders, and has, as they feared, shifted the balance of power away from individual citizens and toward the central government, and from the legislative and judicial branches of government to the executive. In Preble's estimate, if policymakers in Washington have at their disposal immense military might, they will constantly be tempted to overreach, and to redefine ever more broadly the "national interest." Preble holds that the core national interest—preserving American security—is easily defined and largely immutable. Possessing vast military power in order to further other objectives is, he asserts, illicit and to be resisted. Preble views military power as purely instrumental: if it advances U.S. security, then it is fulfilling its essential role. If it does not—if it undermines our security, imposes unnecessary costs, and forces all Americans to incur additional risks—then our military power is a problem, one that only we can solve. As it stands today, Washington's eagerness to maintain and use an enormous and expensive military is corrosive to contemporary American democracy.
