Scrutiny Of Arms Export Controls 2010 Book in PDF, ePub and Kindle version is available to download in english. Read online anytime anywhere directly from your device. Click on the download button below to get a free pdf file of Scrutiny Of Arms Export Controls 2010 book. This book definitely worth reading, it is an incredibly well-written.
Scrutiny of arms export controls (2012) by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Pdf
The joint committee is known as the Committees on Arms Export Controls, formerly the Quadripartite Committee. The UK strategic export controls annual report 2010 was published as HC 1402, session 2010-12 (ISBN 9780102973662)
Scrutiny of arms export controls (2010) by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Pdf
The joint committee is known as the Committees on Arms Export Controls, formerly the Quadripartite Committee. The UK strategic export controls annual report 2008 was published as Cm. 7662 (ISBN 9780101766227)
Scrutiny of arms export controls (2011) by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Pdf
This is the first joint report on arms export controls since the present Government took office in May 2010. As in previous years, the report reviews the Government's policy on arms exports, its administration and enforcement, and the adequacy or otherwise of current legislation. This year the Committees have paid particular attention to the Government's policy of intensifying the promotion of arms exports. The policy has come under scrutiny following the uprisings and demonstrations in recent weeks in North Africa and the wider Middle East and the armed response made to them. Since January 2011 the Government has been vigorously backpedalling on a number of arms export licence approvals to authoritarian regimes across the region. The MPs conclude that both the present Government and its predecessor misjudged the risk that arms approved for export to certain authoritarian countries in North Africa and the Middle East might be used for internal repression. The Committees welcome the revocation of a number of arms export licences to Bahrain, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, and recommend that the Government extends immediately its review of UK arms export licences for countries in North Africa and the wider Middle East to authoritarian regimes worldwide. The Government should also set out how it intends to reconcile the potential conflict of interest between increased emphasis on promoting arms exports with the staunch upholding of human rights.
Scrutiny of arms export controls (2013) by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Committees on Arm Export Controls Pdf
The 2013 Report of the Committees on Arms Export Controls (CAEC) scrutinizes the Government's arms exports and arms control policies and practices in unprecedented depth and detail.The scrutiny encompasses the Government's quarterly information on arms export licences, arms export control legislation and procedures, organisational and operational issues, Arms Export Agreements, Arms Control Agreements, arms export control policies, and arms exports to Countries of concern. There are over 3,000 Government approved export licences, worth more than £12 billion, for strategic controlled goods going to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office's 27 countries of human rights concern. Five other countries not on the FCO's list are also covered, including Argentina, which is of concern because of its policy towards the Falkland Islands. The Committees adhere to their previous recommendation that the Government should apply significantly more cautious judgements when considering arms export licence applications for goods to authoritarian regimes "which might be used to facilitate internal repression" in contravention of the Government's stated policy.
Scrutiny of Arms Exports and Arms Controls (2015) by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Committees on Arm Export Controls Pdf
The 2013 Report of the Committees on Arms Export Controls (CAEC) scrutinizes the Government's arms exports and arms control policies and practices in unprecedented depth and detail.The scrutiny encompasses the Government's quarterly information on arms export licences, arms export control legislation and procedures, organisational and operational issues, Arms Export Agreements, Arms Control Agreements, arms export control policies, and arms exports to Countries of concern. There are over 3,000 Government approved export licences, worth more than GBP12 billion, for strategic controlled goods going to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office's 27 countries of human rights concern. Five other countries not on the FCO's list are also covered, including Argentina, which is of concern because of its policy towards the Falkland Islands. The Committees adhere to their previous recommendation that the Government should apply significantly more cautious judgements when considering arms export licence applications for goods to authoritarian regimes which might be used to facilitate internal repression in contravention of the Government's stated policy.
Strategic Export Controls by Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Defence Committee Pdf
The Committee on Strategic Export Controls (known as the Quadripartite Committee) is made up of members of the Defence, Foreign Affairs, International Development and Trade and Industry Committees. It began regular scrutiny of the Government's policy on the export control system in 1999, and this report includes a detailed examination of the operation and enforcement of strategic export controls run by the Export Control Organisation and HM Revenue & Customs. It also considers issues raised by particular licences, including whether the policy on licence approvals or refusals is consistent and determined in accordance with the EU Code of Conduct on Arms Exports and the National Export Licensing Criteria. The Committee held five evidence sessions in the course of its inquiry, including evidence from officials from the DTI and FCO, HMRC and the Revenue and Customs Prosecution Office, members of the Export Group on Aerospace and Defence (EGAD) and the UK Working Group on Arms, as well as from Mark Thomas, broadcaster and journalist. Amongst the Committee's 83 conclusions and recommendations, the report raises concerns about the loopholes in regulations relating to internet arms sales and to arms fairs, as well as 'dual-use' equipment (that could have both a civilian and a military purpose). It also calls for greater clarity in the policy on arms sales to Saudi Arabia and Israel, given human rights concerns; and it argues that the arms embargo on China should remain and that the Government should work with the EU and the United States to ensure the embargo remains effective. The report also raises concerns about the reporting and status of strategic export controls to and from the Channel Islands, given that they are not subject to the Export Control Act 2002; and recommends that the Export Control Organisation should remain within the public sector under government control. The report notes that the Government's review of arms control rules scheduled for 2007 provides a timely opportunity to take stock of developments in the UK's export control system since the Scott Inquiry into exports to Iraq in 1996, and in light of the challenge of increased globalisation of the defence industry, and that it will also be a critical year for progress on the International Arms Trade Treaty.
The FCO's Human rights work 2010-11 by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Foreign Affairs Committee Pdf
The Foreign Affairs Committee believes the events of the 'Arab Spring' should stand as a reminder to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) that failing to take a stronger and more consistent stance against human rights violations by overseas regimes can carry risks for the UK. Any suggestion that the FCO downplays criticism of human rights abuses in countries with which the UK has close political and commercial links is damaging to the UK's reputation and undermines the department's overall work in promoting human rights overseas. The Committee is less confident than the FCO that there is little conflict between its simultaneous pursuit of both UK commercial interests and improved human rights standards overseas. The Committee heard concerns on this front with respect to Saudi Arabia and Bahrain in particular. There should be a more robust and significantly more consistent position on human rights violations in the Middle East and North Africa. On China, the Committee finds it difficult to support the Government's approach to human rights engagement with China in the continuing absence of any evidence that it is yielding results, and when the human rights situation in China appears to be deteriorating. The Government should engage in more explicit, hard-hitting and consistent public criticisms of human rights abuses in China. The Committee welcomes the FCO's continued production of an annual human rights report and the Government's recognition that the UK's own human rights practices affect its international reputation and ability to pursue improvements in human rights standards overseas.
House of Commons: Sessional Returns - HC 1 by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons Pdf
On cover and title page: House, committees of the whole House, general committees and select committees. On title page: Returns to orders of the House of Commons dated 14 May 2013 (the Chairman of Ways and Means)
Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Business, Innovation and Skills Committee
Author : Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Publisher : The Stationery Office Page : 188 pages File Size : 44,6 Mb Release : 2013-09-10 Category : Language Arts & Disciplines ISBN : 0215061829
House of Commons - Business, Innovation and Skills Committee: Open Access - HC 99-I by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Pdf
The Government's commitment to increasing access to published research findings and its desire to achieve full open access are welcomed in this report from the Business, Innovation and Skills Committee. However, whilst Gold open access - where authors publish their articles in an open access journal that provides free immediate open access to all of its articles on the publisher's website - is a desirable ultimate goal, focusing on it during the transition to a fully open access world is a mistake. The Government and Research Council UK should reconsider their preference for Gold open access during the five year transition period, and give due regard to the evidence of the vital role that Green open access and repositories have to play as the UK moves towards full open access. (Authors opting for Green open access publish in any subscription journal, and then make their peer-reviewed final draft freely accessible online by self-archiving or depositing the article in a repository (either institutional or disciplinary) upon acceptance for publication.) Other recommendations include: promotion of standardisation and compliance across subject and institutional repositories; mitigation against the impact on universities of paying Article Processing Charges out of their own reserves; introduce a reduced VAT rate for e-journals; non-disclosure clauses should not be used in publishing contracts that include the use of public funds; BIS must review its consultation processes to ensure that lessons are learned from the lack of involvement of businesses, particularly SMEs, in the formation of open access policy
Britain has been a significant voice in global politics in the last two decades and its impact on world events far outweighs its material resources. But how does a small island on the edge of Europe continue to exercise this level of power on an international scale? What kind of actor is Britain internationally? And what future challenges will confront British foreign policymakers in a multi-polar world of emerging powers? In this comprehensive introduction to British foreign policy today Jamie Gaskarth addresses these and other key questions. Against a rich historical backdrop, he examines the main actors and processes involved in British foreign policy-making as well as the role played by identity in shaping such choices. Later chapters focus on the relationship between economics and foreign policy, what it means to be ethical in this policy sphere, and the justification for and benefits of the UK’s continued use of force to achieve its foreign policy goals. Combining interview research, theoretical insight and analysis of contemporary and historical trends, this book charts how British foreign policy has come to be understood and practised in the 21st Century. It will be an invaluable guide for students of British politics, foreign policy, international relations and related courses.
Reconceptualising Arms Control by Neil Cooper,David Mutimer Pdf
The theory and practice of arms control seemed to have its heyday during the height of the Cold War, with its focus on the East-West conflict and nuclear arms. In the past twenty years, both arms technologies and various practices aimed at their control have continued to develop, but scholarly thinking has not kept up. This volume seeks to redress this scholarly neglect of the range of issues associated with the control of the means of violence, by asking the question: what does arms control mean in the 21st Century? In asking this question, the volume examines issues surrounding sovereignty, geopolitics, nuclear disarmament, securitization of space, technological developments, human rights, the clearance of landmines, the regulation of small arms and the control of the black market for arms and nuclear secrets. The book discusses terrorism with reference to the case of the suicide attacks in Beirut in 1983 and how the Obama administration is orientating its posture on nuclear arms. This book was published as a special issue of Contemporary Security Policy.
House of Commons - Business, Innovation and Skills Committee: Draft Consumer Rights Bill - HC 697-I by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Pdf
The Government's draft Consumer Rights Bill has the potential to consolidate, simplify and modernise consumer law however issues and inconsistencies must be resolved. The current proposals would apply a statutory right that services under a contract must be provided with reasonable care and skill [a fault-based standard]. This does not provide sufficient consumer protection. The Draft Bill should require that services must achieve the stated result, or one which could be reasonably expected [an outcomes-based standard]. As the Bank of Ireland case demonstrated, the right to terminate a contract does not necessarily protect consumers from detriment. This report recommends an addition to the grey list - the indicative list of contract terms which may be regarded as unfair. The Government's proposals for enhanced consumer measures, which would require traders that have breached consumer law to compensate consumers, are welcome. However, private enforcers should also be able to use them. The collective proceedings regime has the potential to improve access to redress for victims of competition law breaches but the Government must clarify the certification requirements for such proceedings. The creation of rights and remedies for digital content is welcome, but the Government must do more to communicate how the proposals will work in practice. Under the draft Bill, the remedies available to consumers of digital content would depend on whether the content is intangible (such as a music download) or tangible (such as a CD). In appropriate circumstances, consumers should have the right to reject and obtain a refund irrespective of whether they purchase intangible or tangible digital content
House of Commons - Foreign Affairs Committee: The UK's Relations with Saudi Arabia and Bahrain - HC 88 by Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Foreign Affairs Committee Pdf
Saudi Arabia and Bahrain remain key partners for the UK but relations are complicated by the differences between our societies and the pressing need for reform in the Gulf. Historic warm relations between the UK government and the leaders of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain are not mirrored in public opinion in Saudi Arabia and the UK, and the UK's reputation in Bahrain has also suffered since 2011. The Government must make its public profile and reputation a more central part of its work in the Gulf, consider how it can best support much-needed economic and political reforms, and how it can explain its policies and point to specific achievements when speaking to the public at home and in the Gulf. In Saudi Arabia, the Government must convert its promising steps so far in providing assistance on legal and judicial reform into solid and reportable programmes. In Bahrain, it must work to secure access for NGOs and the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, and press more strongly for swifter implementation of reforms. Saudi Arabia's role as a key buyer for the UK defence industry is controversial but the report finds little to suggest that ending defence sales from the UK would have any positive effect. The aggressive way in which the Bahraini security forces handled events in 2011 has deeply damaged Bahrain's reputation. The recommendations of the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) were sensible and the Bahraini government's failure fully to implement them is inexplicable.
